Institute of Ethnology and Anthropology of the Rans. Institute of Ethnology and Anthropology of the Rans Sacred History and the History of the Schism in Oral Traditions

Publications in the Traditions section

Sacred History and Schism in Old Believer Narratives (Based on Field Research among the Old Believers of the Ural-Volga Region)

Oral traditions of the Old Believers of the Ural-Volga region, discussions on historical topics, unique retellings of popular stories from the Holy Scriptures.

Field ethnographic materials collected by us in 1996–2006. among the Old Believers of the Ural-Volga region (Russians, Komi-Permyaks and Mordovians) on the territory of the Republic of Bashkortostan, Orenburg, Chelyabinsk, Perm and Kirov regions of the Russian Federation, include various oral works. These are records of informants' discussions on historical topics, retellings of popular stories from Holy Scripture. Most of them have written analogues of both canonical and apocryphal nature, but at the same time they are examples of a rather free interpretation of known texts, built according to the laws of development of traditional or mythologized consciousness.

The Old Believers as a social and religious movement arose at the end of the 17th century. as a result of the church reform initiated by Patriarch Nikon (1652-1658) and aimed at unifying the rites according to the modern Greek model. In the course of the reform, changes were made to old printed books, and the charter of the church service was changed. Nikon's reforming activities aroused sharp resistance from part of the clergy and laity. Against the background of the concept that developed in the public consciousness of that time about the special mission of Russia as the only guardian of Orthodoxy (the theory of "Moscow - the Third Rome"), innovations were perceived as a refusal to observe the purity of the Orthodox faith. In 1666, by the decision of the Council, all Nikon's innovations were legalized, and supporters of the ancient worship (Old Believers) were anathematized.

Already at the end of the XVII century. Old Believers faced the need to solve a number of ideological and organizational problems. With a decrease in the number of confessors of the pre-Nikonian establishment, the question of the attitude towards the very institution of the priesthood itself arose, dividing the Old Believers into two areas - priesthood and priestlessness. The priests considered it possible to accept "runaway priests" from the dominant church, and the non-priests, who considered the post-reform church devoid of grace, preferred to completely abandon the sacraments, for the performance of which a priest was required. As a result of further dogmatic disputes, these currents, in turn, broke up into many interpretations and agreements.

Since its inception, the Old Believers have been formed as a kind of ethno-cultural phenomenon, on one pole of which there is a bookish church culture, on the other - folk everyday life. According to N.I. Tolstoy, the interaction of these two principles - bookish and folk - gives rise to structures that are complex in semantic and formal terms.

The question of using even the most “historical” folklore genres (epics, historical songs, etc.) to reconstruct real events of the distant past has always been debatable, since creativity is based on special artistic patterns, primarily the repetition of archaic models. In this regard, we would like to consider the “historical” texts of the Old Believers, including plots from the sacred history and the history of the schism itself, exclusively as sources for studying the features of their worldview.

Nikolsky Church of the Old Believers-priests in the village. Vankovo.

Old Believers, like other confessional groups, see the world through the prism of Holy Scripture, which is referred to in various situations, to explain certain phenomena, make important decisions, confirm one's own judgments, etc. At the same time, secondary texts (metatexts) are formed, which, through the individual characteristics of the narrator (informant), through the rhetorical devices used by him, the choice of plots, keywords, emphasis on certain events, reflect the mental characteristics of the entire community.

Two types of sources can be distinguished, on the basis of which modern historical traditions are created. These are traditional stable plots that were recorded by collectors of the 19th - early 20th centuries, gleaned from sacred texts (the Bible, Lives of the Saints, Menaia, etc.), various apocrypha, handwritten stories, spiritual verses, popular prints. Another type of springs is already modern and has a huge variety. Impulse for the living folk art television and radio programs “about the divine”, sermons of priests, newspaper and magazine articles, illustrations in textbooks, etc. can become. In addition, stories from secular literature and ordinary everyday situations heard from fellow villagers, acquaintances or neighbors can be interpreted in a “divine” key.

The ratio between written and oral text may be different. As a rule, it depends on the personality of the narrator. The greatest degree of closeness to the original text is characteristic of narratives recorded from mentors, priests, or ordinary members of communities who are well acquainted with the Holy Scriptures. The stability and similarity of images is fed by the book tradition, however, as observations show, the methods of their intergenerational transmission are largely based on a developed oral culture. Often the narrators make only indirect references to written sources. Their acquaintance with the texts occurred not through independent study (reading), but in the process of listening and fixing in memory. Information could have been obtained many years ago, in childhood, from older relatives:

“Grandfather read such a book to us, they write a lot of interesting things there, but now we don’t have those books”; “The old people told us, they had such books, special ones.”

Actually, for the folk tradition it does not make a significant difference in which book the retold story was recorded. A reference is made to a book in general, a book containing sacred information about everything, any knowledge in the field of Christianity. The epithet “ancient” is usually added to the characteristics of such a “Book” - “it is written in ancient books”. In the Old Believer culture, the old, in contrast to the new, is equivalent to unconditionally correct, authoritative, time-tested. To confirm the truth of the story, a double appeal to the "old" is often used:

“It's all taken from old books. The old people were talking. After all, they were closer to the divine, not like we are now.

As our field materials show, evangelical stories predominate in the Old Believer "folk Bible". Old Testament traditions are represented by stories about the creation of the world, man, the origin of good and evil, motives about the flood and the construction of the Tower of Babel are widespread. It can be quite difficult to single out and somehow classify individual motifs, since the texts tend to combine plots of different content and origin into a single narrative.

Here is one of the typical stories about the creation of the world, recorded by the Komi-Zyuzdins, where the motifs about the creation of the world, the creation of the first people and the fall into sin are rather succinctly combined:

“There was nothing at first. The Holy Spirit created everything. He created heaven and earth, distinguished water, divided it. And then people, Adam and Eve. From the earth of Adam he created and breathed into him a soul. And then he fell asleep, and he took out his rib and created Eve. And so they began to live. He created a garden, a paradise and some kind of fruit was there. Apple. And he forbade them: “You don’t eat this, it’s evil.” And the demon pretended to be a snake or something, I forgot. Or a person. The snake was there. "Eat an apple." She refused at first. And then she ate. She ate this fruit, and her eyes opened and she began to see herself naked, she began to close. She ate and fed Adam. And then God cursed them and sent them to the ground: “You will earn money with your labor, you will give birth to children in illness.” Compare with the text recorded by the Russian Old Believers in the same region (Afanasyevsky district, Kirov region): “That's how he created our whole land. Out of nothing... Why, God himself, he's so omnipotent. Our sun did not appear by itself, no, not by itself. His God our Lord created, and after all, even before he created man ... "

The cited texts, like many others, are almost identical to the written original (the Bible, the Book of Genesis), but their continuation is quite far from the canon and contains elements of archaic dualistic beliefs. According to this version, God had a brother, with whom relations did not develop quite smoothly. In the first example, the brother demanded for himself a part of the world, “his share”, the result of a quarrel was the appearance of hell: “The Lord from created heaven. And this brother flew even higher and created the sky. The Lord flew even higher and created the sky. Then he moved this brother, and he went deep into the earth. And he leaves, leaves, leaves, and remembered, he made a prayer. Isusov. And stopped. And God told him: “The living people will be mine, and the dead ones will be yours.” Though sinners, though not sinners, all were with the demon. Here, ancient mythological ideas (the creation of the world by demiurge brothers) are closely intertwined with the Christian tradition: the creation of the Jesus Prayer as a means of salvation in difficult situation. (Compare: “Jesus' prayer will get it from the bottom of the sea.”) Further, according to legend, Jesus descends into hell and leads people out of there, promising the owner of hell to fill his possessions with drunkards and harlots. Similar motives exist among the Komi-Zyryan Old Believers on Upper Vychegda and Pechora, only hell is filled with people who use tobacco. Thus, the well-known ban on smoking among the Old Believers is substantiated. The second (Russian) text also contains a description of the confrontation between two brothers (God and Satanael), the appearance of evil on earth (from a hole made by a bad brother), their rivalry due to the influence on a person.

Head of the Old Believer Church, Metropolitan Kornily

Quite common among various groups of Old Believers are oral variations on the theme of the flood and Noah's ark with a characteristic motif about the penetration of evil or a demon into the ark because of Noah's quarrel with his wife. The motif, apparently, goes back to the Tolkova Paley (XV century). The narrative contains several etiological legends explaining why different animals that were on the ark should be treated well or, conversely, badly. For example: “The mouse, if it gets into the dishes, you need to throw the dishes away. She is a bad animal. In the ark began to gnaw the floor. The tiger sneezed, a cat jumped out of its nostrils and ran after the mouse. And the frog sat on the hole, covered it with itself, so the ark did not drown. They saved people. They must be respected."
The narrative motivation of some religious and everyday prohibitions and prescriptions, their moralizing aspect, are also found in the gospel stories. For example, the ban on washing and generally working on church holidays: “Mary Magdalene, a harlot, gathered in a church on a hillock. There was a woman splashing around, and she condemned the sinner, well, mentally condemned. She went into the desert. And the condemning one rinsed on a big holiday. She condemned herself, but she also did not follow the rules. Went to hell."

A characteristic feature of the oral retellings of sacred texts is the simplification of complex theological concepts, their approximation to the realities of peasant life, operating with understandable, simple categories. So the thesis about the immaculate conception and virginity of the Mother of God is transformed as follows: “She (the Mother of God), when she gave birth to Jesus Christ, was a virgin. She was a virgin both by birth and by death. He is not from the place that everyone left, but from here ... (points to the armpit). And after the death of a maiden. Common expressions, common in the village environment, are put into the lips of the holy virgin, with which she explains her surprise at the mission that fell to her: I washed my feet and drank water. Among Nikon's innovations was a change in the inscription of the name of God, they began to write it with two "and", the Old Believers retained the pre-reform form (Jesus).

The events of sacred history for the Old Believers are directly connected with the history of the schism of the Orthodox Church. The split seems to be the starting point of world history, according to which the vector of the further development of mankind is determined. The beginning of Christianity and the appearance of the old faith coincide. It is the antiquity of the Old Believer doctrine that irrefutably testifies to its truth:

“By which faith Jesus Christ was born, by such faith we live”; “The worldly faith has been going on since 1666, and our Pomeranian faith has been going on for two thousand years. Noted recently"; “Our Fedoseev faith was even before the crucifixion of the Lord God. And then there was the struggle with Satanail. We fought for three days. They were angels, they became demons.

A fairy-tale motif is again woven into the fabric of the narrative - the struggle between good and evil principles, demiurge brothers, numerical symbolism (“we fought for three days”).

Head of the Old Believer Church, Metropolitan of Moscow and All Russia Kornily

The above plots also speak of a developed sub-confessional self-awareness. Informants can thus present not only the history of the Old Believers as a whole, but also the history of their consent, Pomeranian, in one statement, and Fedoseevsky in another. The essence of dogmatic disagreements, which at one time led to the formation of agreements and interpretations, is known for the most part to clergy and literate Old Believers, “scribes”, therefore, various interpretations can be found among the laity. Some can identify only two main directions - priests and bespopovtsy. A “geographical” etymology is possible: “When the persecution of the faith began, some went to Pomorye, they began to be called Pomeranians. Kerzhaks went to the Kerzhensky forests, that's why they are called so. The rejection of the pejorative name "schismatics" is manifested in the following plot: "There was a faith -" schismatics ". Then under Nikon. They were inclined towards the Old Believers, but so that they would not be killed, but, for a bleziru, a little bit there too. Apparently, we are talking about co-religionists who administratively belonged to the official church, but retained the Old Believer charter.

The main reason for the split is the correction of church books, which is perceived as an encroachment on the shrine, which has irreversible consequences for true Christians: “They changed all the books. Printed with errors. You can’t change a word, the apostle Paul also said, neither add, nor subtract, not rearrange. If you change, you will be anathema. If they have changed, you are no longer a Christian, but a heretic.”

“Facilitation” of faith, its simplification, distortion, as well as self-interest characterize the perpetrators of the reform, Nikon and Peter I, in the view of the Old Believers: “Earlier, some Patriarch Nikon softened the faith, it seemed hard to him. Who also wanted to take it easy, they followed him, but the Old Believers did not. The Nikonians say, and there is no need to observe fasts”; “Peter I did it all. I wanted a lot of income, but we have everything for free, we don’t have it.” The actions of the reformers, described in modern language, are completely blasphemous, the main thing in them is the profanation of holiness, neglect of the most important, inviolable things:

“Nikon began to change the old laws. I planted illiterate people to write, drunk, illiterate, punctuation marks were missed, prayers were mixed up. Places were missed. Someone, maybe, wrote in good conscience, a person will drink like that. How could they have been entrusted with a sacred work? Is it possible to do so?"

Consider one of the examples of Old Believer historical prose, recorded in the city of Miass, Chelyabinsk Region, from a mentor of chapel consent. It is the ministers of worship - priests, mentors or active laity - who show special awareness of the history of the Old Believers, knowledge of the factual base, exact dates and names of persons who played an important role in it. The range of their reading is quite diverse and, as a rule, is not limited to liturgical literature.

The story begins with a description of the "terrible times" that Christians experienced with the advent of Patriarch Nikon. They were the result of the correction of books, because the holy fathers said: "Not a single letter can be changed." Nikon had an assistant - "Arsen the Greek", who tempted the patriarch to increase distortions, saying: "Correct as much as possible." And it is added: "Like Lenin." To the question "Why like Lenin?" An explanation follows: “He also said this: “The more priests we destroy, the better.” The comparison is based on the similarity of goals (destroy the faith) and even the sound of statements (“I also said so”). Thus, here the tendency inherent in traditional consciousness is manifested to search for analogies to single and extraordinary events or to typify phenomena, their endless repetition.

The following is a rationale for the idea, popular among the Old Believers, of the election of Russia (“Moscow is the Third Rome”). The narrative is built according to a well-known principle: first, Rome fell away from Orthodoxy, then after the Union of Florence, Constantinople, and only “Moscow, the Russian state, retained the faith until Nikon. Avvakum was burned because he did not agree with the new introductions.” The narrator calls the facts that really took place, the exact dates. The system of argumentation of one's vision is based on appeals to categories, primarily of a moral nature, and, characteristically, is confirmed by references to Holy Scripture. So, in his opinion, the retreat of Rome from the true faith was due to the fact that "it is a rich country", and wealth is devoid of holiness. Here, for persuasiveness, the gospel insert is given: “Rather a camel will crawl through the eye of a needle than a rich man will go to paradise.”

The content of other recorded plots is not distinguished by such historical accuracy, the sequence of events in them is periodically disturbed, and the participants may be people who lived in different eras. So, Nikon and Peter I are sometimes called the main culprits for the division of churches, they appear as accomplices acting at the same time. Folklore motifs often sound: “People from all over Russia have gathered to decide which faith is correct. We thought for a long time, wondered how to write, faith hung by a thread. And then, at the instigation of Antichrist, they decided to write as Nikon said.

A curious narrative was recorded among the Komi-Yazva people, in which the local history (the origin of the local religious community) and the history of the schism as a whole are closely intertwined and mythologized. In addition, the text can serve as a source for analyzing the specifics of the ethnic and confessional identity of the Yazva people: “In fact, we are Old Believers refugees. There was a big church somewhere on the Don. She was very big. There was an exclamation from heaven: “Tomorrow a man will come to you with books, icons. You cut off his head." They began to pray. A man is coming. He should have cut off his head and burned his books. If this had been done, their (Orthodox) Nikonians would not have existed. They started arguing. They (the Nikonians) stayed there. And those who wanted to cut off the head ran away, here we are. The Komi-Permyaks are different, they didn’t run away, they have the Nikon patriarchal faith.”

The story of the Solovetsky rebellion, which was reflected in a number of documentary and artistic monuments, also received a peculiar interpretation: “An angel came to the king and said to him:“ You will destroy the monastery, you will burst. The king did not obey, sent troops, the monastery was destroyed, and King Herod burst. Interestingly, the main character here is King Herod, a biblical character.

As one of the patterns of functioning of traditional consciousness, researchers identify a special attitude to the category of time, when only the time of the narrator's own life is linear. The events of this segment logically line up one after another, some milestones are indicated - internal borders (marriage or marriage, the birth of children or another plan - war, for example, etc.). And everything that was before is in a certain “spatio-temporal field”, easily changes places and becomes mythologized. Hence the unexpected, it seemed, the neighborhood of Nikon and Peter I and the reincarnation of Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich into Tsar Herod. In the latter, the principle of identification is also manifested, when only one concept is assigned to one word. In this case, the key concept is "king", that is, the persecutor of faith. They can also say about Nikon "king" - "king Nikon". An incorrect external embodiment of the word entails an absolute change in its meaning, as, for example, in writing the name of God: “Jesus is Christ, and Jesus is different, this is Antichrist.” The same thing happens in the above story about the "schismatics", by which they mean people of a different, "intermediate" faith.

A special place in the repertoire of Old Believer historical legends about the schism is occupied by stories about its “culprits”, which are unambiguously endowed with negative characteristics - ambition, cruelty, pride. However, their biographies can be comprehended within the hagiographical genre, in which there is often a motive of sincere repentance for committed atrocities. So in one of the oral histories, the main tormentor and persecutor Nikon appears repentant and lonely:

“Tsar Nikon announced to Tsar Alexei and everyone: “I will be the most important.” Tsar Alexei did not like it, did not accept it at the feast, pushed it away 100%. Nikon went to the monastery. Was there for seven years. He waited for Tsar Alexei to forgive and bow to him. There he died. But before his death, he arranged lynching for himself: “I was wrong, I betrayed the holy faith, I destroyed many people.” He apologized to himself."

The text of the legend is replete with specific details designed to give the narrative historical authenticity, and the modern language of the story ( “pushed 100% away”, “arranged lynching” ) removes the distance between the events of previous centuries and today's narrator. In another text written at the end of the 19th century, Nikon's wife took over the cross of repentance. Learning about the unrighteous deeds of her husband, she took the veil as a nun and devoted the rest of her life to prayers for the persecuted and unjustly offended.

On the whole, the path of the old faith appears to be a martyr's one. In the eyes of its modern adherents, the numerous sufferings that their predecessors were subjected to serve as confirmation of the special mission of the "old faith". Belonging to it requires courage and constant readiness for trials: “Nikon introduced bodily anger, killed and burned”; "True Christians will always be persecuted." The motive of "escape" is found in almost every narrative about the history of the split: "They fled from persecution to the forests, to the outskirts"; “There were persecutions. Everyone wandered off somewhere. Especially the priests, they got more”; “The 12 tribes from Jacob are scattered throughout the universe. Each tribe has its own generation from the creation of the world. When there were persecutions, the Old Believers fled to 14 countries, lived in communities in the forests. The source of the last statement is a TV show.

An echo of messianism is also heard in the ideas about the Old Believers as having been from the beginning of the world, underlying all religions that arose later: “Our elders say that there used to be one faith. Our old one. And then everything changed. Now they are looking for an easier place to pray. Where you don't have to pray much, they go there." In the next plot, the messianic idea is consonant with eschatological motives. In addition, despite the brevity, the text is very rich, it contains both the transformation of the Old Testament tradition about the Tower of Babel and the origin of languages, and Soviet rhetoric, and the main characters in it are the New Testament apostles: “There are Old Believers in all republics. The apostles smashed. I found the holy spirit, they began to know languages, and dispersed to all countries. And the apostles passed on the Old Believers to everyone. That is why they are in all countries, the Old Believers. And the Antichrist will also send his enrages to all countries.”

The Old Believers’ awareness of their own mission is present in most historical narratives: “Our true faith has been preserved only in Russia”; "only 77 faiths, and the correct one is ours." Accordingly, belonging to it imposes a great personal responsibility on each of them: “There are few of us faithful left. Until then there will be no Judgment, as long as at least one faithful remains. estrangement last day Thus, the Old Believers consider it a personal duty, and see the ways of saving the world in zealous religious service: “You need to pray, keep the commandments of the Lord, then the Lord will wait.” This is seen as one of the reasons for the stability of the tradition. The messianic idea is directly related to the eschatology of the Old Believer worldview, which contributed to the formation of ideas about the greatest personal responsibility of each Old Believer as the last custodian of true Orthodoxy.

Religious procession in Gary to the Michael-Arkhangelsk sketes. Old Believers

Since the emergence of the Old Believers and throughout its history, there have been marked dates on which ideas about the approaching end of the world were updated. Their identification was based on the “number of the Antichrist” (666), the starting point could be the time of the creation of the world or some special events. Documents from the beginning of the 20th century record the presence of peculiar interpretations of theological literature among the South Ural Old Believers. So, in the report of the Ufa Diocesan Brotherhood of the Resurrection of Christ it was said:

“In the Peschano-Lobovsky repair there is a strong mentor Nestor, who, interpreting the Revelation of John the Theologian in his own way, preaches about the end of the world and in the fall of 1898 appointed his day.”

Modern Old Believers rely on the same source: "John the Theologian called the number 666, and Nikon's reform was in that year, in 1666."

Similar expectations were associated with 1900 (the change of centuries), with 1992: “The prophecies were fulfilled five years ago, now wait any minute”; “Already the eighth thousand has gone, as it is written in the Books.” Until recently, 2000, the turn of the millennium, was most often used as the final date. As is known, an increase in the intensity of eschatological expectations, their more pronounced and sharpness are observed during periods of historical and social upheavals (wars, reforms), the appearance of unusual natural phenomena and climate changes (severe drought, comets, meteorites), as well as in connection with rare calendar events. dates (turn of the century, change of millennia), etc.

Despite the existence of marked turning points, the majority of respondents tend to think that "the end of the world cannot be experienced - a sin." “Jesus said: “My father did not give me the understanding to know when the death will be, only he knows.” The Holy Fathers wrote that on the eighth thousand... We can only wait, prepare for this.”

The descriptions of the last day, recorded by us in the course of field research, are generally identical among priests and bespopovtsy. Main characteristic is suddenness, surprise, events begin to unfold with unusual speed, rapidly. Natural elements are sharply activated - a strong wind, a terrible thunder. The direction from which shocks should be expected is clearly defined: "A fiery cross will appear on the eastern side of the sky." The source of destruction is fire, destroying everything in its path: “A fiery river will open from east to west.” At the same time, the fire serves as a symbolic border, sinners are on one side of the fiery river, and the righteous are on the other. Their number is insignificant: “Out of a thousand men, one will be saved, and only one woman out of darkness.” The main character of the drama Lord (Judge) is on the seventh of celestial spheres gradually unfolding one after another. Thus, popular ideas about the Last Judgment as a whole repeat both the particulars and the general scheme of biblical prophecies. There are also more free retellings: "Besya will fly like angels, wreaths will burn on them, the Lord will lower Elijah the prophet."

The eschatological expectations of the Old Believers, correlated with the modern world, find a figurative embodiment in the fantastically comprehended surrounding reality. In sacred texts containing descriptions of the second coming, as indispensable attributes doomsday there are space disturbances, natural disasters. Therefore, sharp weather changes, unusual atmospheric phenomena and environmental shifts that have occurred in recent years are also perceived by the Old Believers as confirming signs. These kinds of statements are often heard:

“The water in the rivers has become poisoned, and before the very end it will not be at all. Gold will be lying around, no one will need it, and there will be no water. The roads turned purple. The tractor crimsons them (spoils them, makes them bad. - E.D.)”, “The summer is now cold, and the winter is warm. Everything is the other way around, which means we are close to the end now,” etc.

The description by the Old Believers of the last times, given by researchers of the early 20th century, for example, is as follows: “It is said: there will be smoothness on earth, the sky will be copper, the earth will be iron, sorrow will be great”, coincides with the modern one: “The sky will be copper, and the earth will be iron . Nothing will grow. Everyone will die, there will be stench and grief.

Both among priests and bespriests, one of the signs of the approach of the last times is the appearance of false prophets. As you know, the dispute about the time of the coming of the Antichrist and his appearance served as one of the main reasons for the division of the once unified Old Believers into two directions. Priests, literally perceiving the biblical texts, expect the arrival of a sensual, that is, physically real Antichrist, immediately on the eve of the death of the world. Bespopovtsy tend to understand it allegorically, in a "spiritual", "inflow" sense, that is, as any deviation from faith, canon, commandments. This implies that the advent has already happened and the world surrounding the Old Believers is the kingdom of Antichrist.

Differences in the interpretation of eschatological ideas and symbols can also be traced in modern field material. So, among the priests, the Antichrist is “a living person, an unbeliever, a false prophet.” Among the bespriests, he appears in many guises and is embodied in various phenomena. real life: “everyone who does not believe in God is the Antichrist”, “to do evil to people, to swear, to be baptized incorrectly - this is all the Antichrist”, “everything around is the Antichrist, now is such a time”. There are also such statements: “The Antichrist came out of the sea. The sea is people, human vices. As you can see, the Bespopovites use more lengthy, non-specific explanations.

In the marginal, in fact, chapel agreement, there were supporters of both priestly and non-priestly views on this issue. Understanding the nature of the Antichrist as dualistic is also characteristic of modern chapels: “ end times, as the holy fathers say, they already came with the advent of Nikon. Not Nikon the Antichrist, but those who spread his teachings. We look forward to it both sensually and spiritually. Sensually he is a personality, but spiritually he already reigns - all laws are twisted.

In accordance with the book texts, the worshipers of the Antichrist were marked with a special sign - a seal on the hand or on the forehead. Passports, money, and the state emblem were interpreted as symbolic embodiments of such a seal in radical accords. Many attributes of modern reality are also perceived by the Old Believers as sinful and forbidden. Until now, some informants refuse to be photographed themselves and do not allow pictures of their belongings to be taken, considering the photo to be “the seal of the Antichrist.” Satanic signs were food coupons that were introduced during the period of perestroika, social numbers, etc.

It is a well-known fact that the most radical accords have long rejected electricity, radio, television, railways. Until now, especially religious Old Believers consider it a sin to watch TV, calling it a "demonic box", they avoid listening to the radio: "Someone says, and who is not visible - demonic temptation." A direct parallel is drawn with apocalyptic predictions and electric wires: "a network that entangled the sky, an iron web." Planes are called "iron birds": "It was said that iron birds will fly everywhere in the last times."

Traditionalism, adherence to antiquity as a distinctive feature of the Old Believers was noted by all its researchers. Such an idealization of the past is naturally accompanied by a critical look at the present. Modern reality is assessed as a turbulent, disturbing time, confirming the prophecies: “Before the end of the world, life will be bad, wars. Because of the wars, there will be few people left: out of seven cities, they will gather into one city. So it is, around the war.

The actions of the authorities also evoke negative emotions: “Recently, the heads of the leaders will become like a child, nothing will work out, the state will collapse. That's how it works." Analyzing relations between people, the Old Believers come to the conclusion that they have changed in a negative direction: “People hate each other, swear among themselves”; "There is hatred all around, brother against brother, son against father." The general decrease in the level of morality, ignoring the rules of morality, the absence of fear of punishment for sins are emphasized: “They are not afraid of sin, they do what they want”, “Women have no shame, they have abortions, they wear everything masculine”; “There is discord and strife all around, there is no agreement between people.”

So, the specificity of the Old Believer culture, like any other, is largely determined by the worldview of its bearers. It focuses on traditionalism as the main principle and is built on the interweaving of oral and written traditions. Understanding book texts and converting any information from outside world occurs among the Old Believers in the categories of traditional consciousness. All this is embodied in the existence of utopian legends and apocrypha, and can be traced in oral historical stories.

A large place in the religious and philosophical system of the Old Believers, developed by its ideologists, is occupied by messianism and eschatology. This has found expression at the everyday level and can be recorded by the methods of ethnographic science on the basis of regional material.

Jan 2016 14

On January 13, 2016, at a meeting of the Presidium of the Russian Academy of Sciences, the results of the elections for the honorary title of "Professor of the Russian Academy of Sciences" were approved. Now we have 12 historians and 10 philologists, doctors of sciences under the age of 50 have this new title. They represent leading scientific institutes and centers, universities and regions of the country. The Department of Historical and Philological Sciences congratulates everyone on this honorary title.

RAS professors

    Alekseeva Elena Veniaminovna Doctor of Historical Sciences, Institute of History and Archeology, Ural Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences

  1. Berezovich Elena Lvovna Doctor of Philology, Federal State Autonomous Educational Institution of Higher Professional Education Uralsky federal university named after the first President of Russia B.N. Yeltsin
  2. Burlak Svetlana Anatolyevna Doctor of Philology, Institute of Oriental Studies RAS
  3. Grintser Nikolai Pavlovich Doctor of Philology, Institute of Social Sciences of the Russian Academy of National Economy and Public Administration under the President of the Russian Federation
  4. Danilko Elena Sergeevna Doctor of Historical Sciences, Institute of Ethnology and Anthropology. N.N. Miklukho-Maclay RAS
  5. Desnitsky Andrey Sergeevich Doctor of Philology, Institute of Oriental Studies RAS
  6. Zagrebin Aleksey Egorovich Doctor of Historical Sciences, Udmurt Institute of History, Language and Literature, Ural Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences
  7. Kazakovskaya Victoria Viladievna Doctor of Philology, Institute of Linguistic Studies RAS
  8. Korobov Dmitry Sergeevich Doctor of Historical Sciences, Institute of Archeology RAS
  9. Krivoshapkin Andrey Innokent'evich Doctor of Historical Sciences, Institute of Archeology and Ethnography SB RAS
  10. Lipkin Mikhail Arkadyevich Doctor of Historical Sciences, Institute of General History of the Russian Academy of Sciences
  11. Lyustrov Mikhail Yurievich Doctor of Philology, FGBUN Institute of World Literature. A.M. Gorky RAS
  12. Panchenko Alexander Alexandrovich Doctor of Philology, FGBUN Institute of Russian Literature ( Pushkin House) RAS
  13. Polonsky Vadim Vladimirovich Doctor of Philology, Institute of World Literature. A.M. Gorky RAS
  14. Savinov Dmitry Mikhailovich Doctor of Philology, FGBUN Institute of the Russian Language. V.V. Vinogradov RAS
  15. Solovyov Kirill Andreevich Doctor of Historical Sciences, Institute of Russian History of the Russian Academy of Sciences
  16. Stefanovich Petr Sergeevich Doctor of Historical Sciences, National Research University Higher School of Economics
  17. Usachev Andrey Sergeevich Doctor of Historical Sciences, Historical and Archival Institute of the Russian State University for the Humanities
  18. Uspensky Fedor Borisovich Doctor of Philology, Institute of Slavic Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences
  19. Khavanova Olga Vladimirovna Doctor of Historical Sciences, Institute of Slavic Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences
  20. Khristoforov Igor Anatolyevich Doctor of Historical Sciences, National Research University Higher School of Economics
  21. Chernykh Alexander Vasilievich Doctor of Historical Sciences, Perm Scientific Center of the Ural Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences

Danilko Elena Sergeevna- Specialist in the history and culture of the Old Believers, the peoples of the Ural-Volga region, visual anthropology, Doctor of Historical Sciences, Professor, Head of the Ethnographic Scientific and Educational Center of the Institute of Ethnology and Anthropology named after. N. N. Miklukho-Maklay of the Russian Academy of Sciences, member of the editorial board of the journal “Bulletin of the Chuvash State University.

In 1996 she graduated from the Faculty of History of the Bashkir State University, in 2002 she defended her thesis on the topic "Old Believers in the Southern Urals: a historical and ethnographic study." From 1996 to 2003 she worked at the Center for Ethnological Research of the Ufa Scientific Center of the Russian Academy of Sciences. In 2007 she graduated from the full-time doctoral studies at the Institute of Ethnology and Anthropology named after V.I. N. N. Miklukho-Maclay of the Russian Academy of Sciences and defended her doctoral thesis on the topic “Mechanisms of self-preservation of Russian and Finno-Ugric Old Believer communities of the Ural-Volga region”. From 2005 to 2009 she was the Executive Director of the Association of Ethnographers and Anthropologists of Russia. Currently, he is in charge of the Ethnographic Scientific and Educational Center of the Institute of Ethnology and Anthropology named after A.I. N.N. Miklukho-Maclay RAS.

Author of more than a hundred scientific publications and about ten visual anthropological films. He is a member of the International Commission for the Study of the Old Believers at the Congress of Slavists. Executive Director of the Moscow International Festival of Visual Anthropology "Intermediary Camera". In 2013 she was a member of the selection committee International Festival visual anthropology in Chicago (SVA Film and Media Festival in Chicago) and a member of the jury of the Astra International Documentary Film Festival in Sibiu, Romania (Astra Film Festival of Documentary Film). She worked as an editor-analyst for a series of programs about the peoples of Russia “Russia is my love” on the Kultura TV channel.

Area of ​​scientific interests: history and culture of the Old Believers, the peoples of the Ural-Volga region, visual anthropology

Major Publications

  • Peoples of Russia / E. S. Danilko. M.: ROSMEN, 2015. 80 p. : ill. (My Russia).
  • Bashkirs / otv. ed. R.G. Kuzeev, E. S. Danilko; Institute of Ethnology and Anthropology im. N. N. Miklukho-Maklay RAS; Institute of Ethnology im. R. G. Kuzeev of the Ufa Scientific Center of the Russian Academy of Sciences; Institute of History, Language and Literature of the Ufa Scientific Center of the Russian Academy of Sciences. M.: Nauka, 2015. 662 p. (Peoples and Cultures).
  • Ethno-confessional minorities of the peoples of the Ural-Volga region: monograph / E. A. Yagafova, E. S. Danilko, G. A. Kornishina, T. L. Molotova, R. R. Sadikov; ed. Dr. ist. Sciences. E. A. Yagafova. Samara: PSGA, 2010. 264 p.: tsv.ill.
  • Old Believers in the Southern Urals: Essays on History and Traditional Culture. Ufa, 2002. 225 p., illustrations, maps.
  • The Old Faith in Chuvash: Book Tradition and Daily Practices of an Old Believer Community // Ethnographic Review. 2015. No. 5. S. 19-32.
  • Old Believer communities in the Chernobyl zone: the history of the village of Svyatsk // Studies in applied and urgent ethnology. No. 230/231. pp. 55-71.
  • "Svyatsk, because Holy place... ": a story about a village that has disappeared // About their land, their faith, the present and experienced in Russia in the XX-XXI centuries. (to the study of biographical and religious narrative). Moscow: Indrik, 2012-2013. pp. 329-362.
  • Tatars in ethnically mixed settlements of the Ural-Volga region: features of intercultural interactions // Ethnographic Review. 2010. No. 6. S. 54-65.
  • Interfaith interactions in the Ural-Volga region: Old Believers among the “foreigners” // Traditional Culture. 2010. No. 3. S. 72-80.
  • A small provincial town in modern Russia (based on field research in the city of Davlekanovo, Republic of Bashkortostan) // Studies in Applied and Urgent Ethnology. No. 216. M., 2010. 24 p.
  • The relationship of folklore tradition with adaptation processes in modern Old Believers (on the example of eschatological and utopian legends) // Ethnographic Review. 2007. No. 4. P.43-53.
  • Historical memory in the oral traditions of the Zyuzda and Yazva Komi-Permyaks // Ethnographic Review (online). 2007. No. 2.
  • Social Mechanisms for the Preservation of Traditional Values ​​(on the Example of the Old Believer Community of the City of Miass, Chelyabinsk Region) // Ethnographic Review. 2006. No. 4. P. 98-108.

CHAPTER I. History and current state of the Old Believers in the Ural-Volga region.

1.1. Old Believers among the Russian population.

1.2. Old Believers among the Mordovians.

1.3. Old Believers among the Komi-Zyuzdins.

1.4. Old Believers among the Komi-Yazvins.

I.5. General features of the spread of the Old Believers in the non-Russian environment.

CHAPTER II. Organization of religious life

II. 1. Monasteries and parishes. 116.

II.2. Old Believer community: structure, hierarchy, status groups.

CHAPTER III. Preservation of tradition and maintenance of group boundaries.

III. 1. Ethnocultural interaction of Old Believer communities and areas of interaction. 148.

111.2. Confessional symbols as markers of culture.

111.3. Everyday phenomena as markers of a confessional group.

111.4. Rituals marking confessional affiliation (sacrament of baptism and funeral rite)

CHAPTER IV. Features of the worldview of the Old Believers and folklore tradition

IV. 1. Sacred history and the history of the schism in oral traditions

IV.2. Eschatological and utopian legends

IV.3. Narratives from the circle of "small history"

Introduction to the thesis (part of the abstract) on the topic "Mechanisms of self-preservation of Russian and Finno-Ugric Old Believer communities of the Ural-Volga region"

Relevance of the study: Until recently, one of the features of the Russian socio-cultural context was the situation of a sharp break in religious traditions, which arose as a result of the radical atheism of the Soviet period. Over the past decades, this situation has changed significantly, and enough time has passed since the late 1980s for many traditions to be restored and religious institutions to regain their former functions. However, it is probably too early to talk about the complete overcoming of this gap. Ethnic groups, in whose traditional culture there is a large confessional component, still feel it in the intergenerational transfer of sacred knowledge, religious practices and their meanings, in the absence of religious socialization. In addition, being involved in dynamic transformational processes taking place in the context of globalization and modernization, such communities are now experiencing difficulties of a different kind.

In addition to the so-called "main" religions - Orthodoxy and Islam, as well as many "new" trends that have appeared in recent years, in the modern ethno-confessional mosaic of Russia, one can single out a group of traditional religions that are not widely spread today, but have played a significant role in national history. The latter include, in particular, the Old Believers. Due to objective reasons, such groups that did not retain even a minimal base for growth during the Soviet period (clergy personnel, educational institutions, religious buildings) and did not enjoy external support, such groups found themselves in a rather difficult situation. Their survival entirely depends only on internal adaptation resources and developed during historical development self-preservation mechanisms.

The Old Believer culture strives for the maximum actualization of the heritage, and tradition is the most important way of structuring the collective experience. In the mental sphere, traditionalism is expressed in the use by the Old Believers of the categories of mythologized (medieval) consciousness to explain historical realities and modern reality, a kind of interpretation of book texts, and the existence of utopian legends. This principle is clearly demonstrated by the high degree of preservation of the ancient forms of worship and the attributes that accompany it. Adherence to antiquity is observed in oral and musical folklore, in aesthetic preferences (canonical iconography and architectural types), in the archaic way of life and rituals of the life cycle, the abundance of Old Slavicisms in Old Believer dialects, etc.

As is known, due to the binary nature of the thinking of believers, the semantic series of “traditional” and “modern” are always value-opposed, and therefore, in the collective consciousness, there is usually a certain ideal type of “ancient tradition” (synonymous with “pure”, “clear”), which in contact with modernity is threatened. The concept of "purity of the canon", sealed with sacred authority, underlies the self-determination of any religious institutions, and those for which traditionalism is of particular value associate this purity with the need to preserve the faith of their ancestors. For them, the problem of finding new forms of translation of traditional norms in modern dynamic reality is on a par with the problem of self-preservation of the group as an integrity. Consequently, the absence of such an opportunity threatens them with the erosion of identity and the loss of selfhood. In this regard, the following questions seem to be extremely relevant: what are the mechanisms of such self-preservation, in what particular forms (practices) do they find their expression, and, finally, are they capable of ensuring the stable existence of such ethno-confessional formations today? It should be noted that the mechanisms of self-preservation in this work are understood as a set of unique states and processes, interdependent and in a certain subordination, aimed at maintaining group integrity and balance between the social system and the environment.

The aspects of the features of self-preservation of closed religious communities considered in this dissertation work as an object of study are of great scientific interest already because of their novelty and little study. So, in public opinion and among most of the scientists, the Old Believers are defined only as a Russian religious movement. However, being one of the forms of Christianity, it was not an exclusively Russian phenomenon and was quite widespread among a number of Finno-Ugric and some Turkic peoples. On the territory of the Ural-Volga region, most of all non-Russian Old Believers were among the Mordovians and Komi-Permyaks, a small number among the Udmurts and Chuvashs. This is evidenced by various written sources, in particular, the published materials of the All-Russian census of 1897. Such groups with cultural specificity still exist and need a comprehensive study. The penetration of the Old Believers into different ethno-cultural environments undoubtedly influenced the existence of the environment itself, transformed it and introduced new elements. At the same time, it modified itself, pouring out into other forms in the process of adaptation to the real environment. The cultural specificity of the groups that adopted the Old Believers largely contributed to the identification of new divisions within the ethnic groups (in the case of the ethnographic groups of the Komi-Permyaks, the Yazva and Zyuzda people). Today, the problem of self-preservation for such groups, which are under the threat of Russian assimilation, cannot be considered apart from the question of their confessional affiliation.

Thus, the consideration of the Old Believers as a phenomenon aimed at the reproduction of tradition precisely in various ethno-cultural environments makes it possible to solve complex theoretical problems related to the interaction, interpenetration and coexistence of ethnic cultures and to identify the general patterns of self-preservation of traditional societies in the conditions of a modernizing reality.

The purpose of the study: to identify the mechanisms of self-preservation of the Russian and Finno-Ugric Old Believer communities of the Ural-Volga region, ways of translating traditional values ​​and practices into them in a modern dynamic context. To increase the degree of representativeness of the study, the Old Believer groups among Russians, Mordovians, Komi-Permyaks (Yazva and Zyuzda) were studied, who did not follow the same path of historical development and have pronounced specifics within their ethno-cultural traditions.

Achievement specified purpose was carried out by solving the following specific tasks:

Coverage of the history of the formation and nature of the settlement of various ethnic groups of the Old Believers (Russians, Mordovians, Chuvashs, Komi-Zyuzdins and Komi-Yazvins) on the territory of the Ural-Volga region, taking into account historical, geographical and socio-cultural factors;

Identification of the main circumstances, causes and general patterns of penetration of the Old Believers into a foreign cultural environment;

Characteristics of external intergroup ties (the prevalence of mixed marriages, the nature of social, economic and domestic contacts with non-Christians), the degree of declared and real isolation of the Old Believer communities;

Analysis of existing socio-cultural stereotypes, evaluative and behavioral norms, household prescriptions and ways of their observance by modern Old Believers;

Determining the role of confessional symbols and everyday phenomena in maintaining group boundaries;

Identification of the degree of preservation of ancient forms of spiritual culture, the level of ownership of them by leaders and ordinary members of the Old Believer communities, ways of their intergenerational transmission (knowledge and observance of the canons, reading skills, hook singing, performance of spiritual verses, etc.);

Consideration of the rites of passage (baptism and funeral-commemoration complex) as a group marker and indicator of intercultural interactions;

The study of ways to regulate life and implement the interactions of the Old Believer communities within the framework of separate agreements;

Analysis of the internal structure of modern Old Believer communities (gender and age composition, hierarchy, status groups, leaders, social roles);

Consideration of traditional narrative forms and narrative structure of modern eschatological legends and historical prose, their interpretative and adaptive function in the Old Believer culture.

The chronological framework of the study in the historical part of the work extends in depth to the end XVII century, that is, the time of the appearance of the Old Believers in the Volga-Ural region, however, in general, they cover the period from the middle of the 19th century. to the present day (2006), which is due to the possibility of using an extensive corpus of archival and published sources, as well as author's field material, in relation to this period.

The territorial scope of the study includes two broad geographic areas. The first is outlined by the natural boundaries of the Southern Urals, which include the territories of the modern Republic of Bashkortostan, the Orenburg and part of the Chelyabinsk regions (the former Orenburg and Ufa provinces). Until recently, this region was little known in the Old Believer historiography and was included only in single works on the history and culture of the entire Russian Old Believers. In addition, the Southern Urals, where the peoples of Eastern Slavic, Turkic and Finno-Ugric origin have long coexisted in close contact, is interesting for revealing the historical experience of adaptation of the Old Believers in a foreign cultural and confessional environment. For more than ten years, I have been collecting field and archival material about the South Ural Old Believers - Russians (in the bulk) and Mordovians.

The complication of research tasks and the need to attract additional materials on non-Russian Old Believers led to the expansion of the geographical scope of the study. Compact groups of Komi-Permyak Old Believers are settled on the territory of the Middle Urals and the Urals - in the north of the Perm Territory (Krasnovishersky and Solikamsky districts) and in the east of the Kirov regions (Afanasevsky district). In addition, material was drawn on the Chuvash Old Believers settled in the territories of the Republic of Chuvashia (Shemurshinsky district) and the Ulyanovsk region (Veshkayem district). These territories were not isolated from each other and were connected through a network of skete centers of both local and all-Russian significance.

Theoretical approaches and research methodology. characteristic feature The development of domestic ethnological science at the current, post-Soviet stage has been a critical review of its theoretical and methodological foundations, primarily the theory of ethnos and the nature of ethnicity. Numerous discussions on this subject are reflected in the pages of professional publications and author's monographs1.

The great openness in the expression of their own views by Russian scientists, and the availability of previously unknown foreign theoretical developments, on the one hand, led to the absence of a generally accepted system of terms and categories and related research difficulties, on the other hand, to the recognition of the ambiguous nature of the ethnic phenomenon and the impossibility of considering it within the framework of only one methodological model. According to D.A. Funk, “every researcher who literally grew up “surrounded” by established methods and methodologies, and who tries to find his own way, involuntarily finds himself outside the usual scientific paradigms, in any case, outside any one of them”2.

To date, most researchers recognize the need for a reasonable integration of various scientific theories and concepts and the relevance of integrated interdisciplinary methods. In this regard, having determined the optimality of the adaptive approach for solving the problem posed in my study, I want to make a reservation that it does not have a rigid impenetrable framework and allows, depending on the context, the involvement of others, in particular, symbolic and phenomenological interpretations of concepts and phenomena3.

1 See for example: Races and peoples. Yearbook. M., 1989. Issue. nineteen; articles by various authors in EO for 1992-2003; Rybakov S.E. Philosophy of ethnos. M., 2001; Tishkov V.A. Essays on the theory and politics of ethnicity in Russia. M., 1997; He is. Requiem for ethnicity. Studies in socio-cultural anthropology. M., 2003.

2 Funk D.A. Worlds of shamans and storytellers: a comprehensive study of Teleut and Shor materials. M., 2005. S. 25.

3 Lotman Yu.M. Selected articles. Tallinn, 1992. Volume 1. Articles on semiotics and typology of culture; Berger P., Lukman T. Social construction of reality. M., 1995. Gurevich A.Ya. Categories of medieval culture. M., 1984; He is. Problems of medieval folk culture. M., 1981; Bernshtam T.A. New perspectives in the knowledge and study of traditional folk culture (theory and practice of ethnographic research). Kyiv, 1993.

Describing the theoretical developments used in this dissertation, let us dwell on some of the main provisions of the adaptation approach and the possibilities of its application to the studies of the Old Believers. The main thing for him is the understanding of culture as a dynamic adaptive mechanism, or the ability to bring oneself in line with a changing environment. Such an understanding, firstly, served as an impetus for the development of new directions in domestic and foreign ethnology since the 1970s, in particular, ethnoecology, and the introduction of the concept of “life support system” into the field of scientific research1, and secondly, stimulated consideration within the framework of many humanitarian disciplines of the problems of socio-cultural and psychological adaptation of various ethnic groups in the context of social transformations. The optimal ways of this process were determined, given various characteristics, specific sociological and ethnopsychological studies were carried out2. It is no longer possible to list all the currently available scientific works carried out in this vein. The most complete and detailed historiographical review of the problem of adaptation is presented in the monograph by L.V. Corel.

For my research, the most important is the understanding of tradition developed within the framework of the adaptation approach. In contrast to the value perception of tradition, often used in sociology, as an opposition to modernization and progress, in the approach under consideration, tradition is defined as a way of reproducing culture or “a universal mechanism that, thanks to the selection of life experience, its accumulation and spatial

1 Kozlov V.I. Ethnic Ecology: Theory and Practice. M., 1991; Arutyunov S.A. Life Support Culture and Ethnos: Ethnocultural Research Experience (on the Example of Armenian Rural Culture). Yerevan, 1983 etc.

2 Lebedeva N.M. Introduction to ethnic and cross-cultural psychology. M., 1998; Gritsenko V.V. Socio-psychological adaptation of immigrants in Russia. M., 2002.

3 Korel L.V. Sociology of adaptation: Questions of theory, methodology and methodology. Novosibirsk, 2005. temporary transmission, allows you to achieve the stability necessary for the existence of social organisms”1. Understood in this way, tradition turns out to be closely connected with the mechanisms of self-preservation and the problems of social and cultural adaptation. In the domestic humanities for the first time such a view of the tradition was formulated by E.S. Markarian and was generally shared by the majority of scientists. Tradition is interpreted broadly, practically synonymous with the concept of "culture" (in my study also "Old Believer tradition" = "Old Believer culture"), and as a dynamic interdependent process that includes changes and innovations that turn into tradition in the course of development3. In modern foreign science, S. Eisenstadt occupies close positions, having singled out conservative and creative components in tradition4, and used E. Shils’s theory of the “central zone” of culture, which has semantic and ordering functions to explain the inconsistency of tradition”5.

The work also used R. Crummy theoretical approaches to the study of the Old Believers in the context of modern discussions about “folk religion” and the consideration of the Old Believers as a “textual community” consisting of many interconnected subcultures with complex synchronous and diachronic connections6.

Big influence The present study was also supported by the works of the well-known researcher of the Volga-Ural region and the author

1 Markaryan E.S. Key problems of the theory of cultural tradition and SE. 1981. No. 2. S. 87.

2 See: Discussion of the article by E.S. Markaryan II SE. 1981. No. 2. S. 97-115.

3 Arutyunov S.A. Cultures, traditions and their development and interaction. M., 2000. S.210.

4 Eisenstadt S.N. Tradition, Change and Modernity. New York, 1973.

5 Cited. by: Lurie C.B. Historical ethnology. M., 1998. S. 183.

6 Crammey R. Old Belief as Popular Religion: New Approaches // Slavic Review. Vol. 52, no. 4 (Winter 1993). P. 700-712. a number of serious theoretical works by R.G. Kuzeeva1. When determining the specifics of the various Old Believer sub-confessions of Islam, the publications of P.I. Puchkov.

The research methodology was based on a set of general scientific methods. A comparative historical method was used with the use of systemic and cross-cultural analysis in the interpretation of the material. My approach can also be described as typological, since I tried to find similarities and differences between similar ethno-confessional groups. And, finally, a descriptive method was used, which made it possible to more fully convey the specifics of the ethnographic material and the real context.

The collection of field material was carried out on the basis of a qualitative approach: participant observation and a semi-structured interview with a guide, in which problem-thematic blocks of conversation with study participants were identified3. These blocks corresponded to the selected research objectives. The survey included two stages: 1) interviews with the main (“key”) informants and 2) subsequent addition of the results obtained on certain questions from secondary informants. When compiling the questionnaire, the programs of M.M. Gromyko, C.B. Kuznetsova, A.B. Buganov "Orthodoxy in Russian folk culture", as well as T.A. Listova (according to native rituals) and I.A. Kremlin (according to funeral rituals)4, supplemented and adapted to the Old Believer material.

1 Kuzeev R.G. The peoples of the Middle Volga and Southern Urals: An ethnogenetic view of history. M., 1992; Kuzeev R.G., Babenko V.Ya. Ethnographic and ethnic groups (on the problem of ethnic heterogeneity) // Ethnos and its subdivisions. M., 1992. S. 17-38 and others.

2 P.I. Puchkov. Modern geography religions. M., 1979; Puchkov P.I., Kazmina O.E. Religions of the modern world. M., 1998; Puchkov P.I. To the question of the classification of religions // Ethnos and religion. M., 1998. S. 7-48.

3 Semenova V.V. Qualitative Methods: An Introduction to Humanistic Sociology. M., 1998; Yadov V.A. Strategy of sociological research. Description, explanation, understanding of social reality. M., 1998.

4 Gromyko M.M., Kuznetsov S.V., Buganov A.V. Orthodoxy in Russian folk culture: research direction // EO. 1993. No. 6. S. 60-84; Listova T.A. Data Collection Program

Another method of collecting information was photography and video filming, which made it possible to fully capture the dynamic processes, material attributes of culture (objects of worship and household items, clothing, interior of residential and liturgical premises). When conducting video filming, the developed by E.V. Aleksandrov, the "consonant chamber" method, which is based on a trusting relationship between the researcher and the bearers of culture, which allows them to maintain natural behavior. The method involves continuous filming of relatively long shots, the use of synchronous sound, and discreet editing1.

Historiography. The initial stage of understanding any scientific problem is an appeal to the already existing historiographical heritage. Estimates of the Old Believers, this broad religious, social, cultural phenomenon, have never been unambiguous. It was seen as “the cause of troubles and a panacea for them; the only guardian of Orthodoxy and the power that destroys it; the rudest of the Russians, the saviors of national cultural traditions or their destroyers; black-hundred support of the empire or constant carriers of the Russian people's revolt. Over the three-century history of the schism, literature about it has grown to a huge mass. In this regard, in this historiographic review, I have included only that part of it that was directly used or had a certain influence on the dissertation, distributing it into thematic sections. The first included general works on the Old Believers with the designation of the main directions of the Old Believer historiography, without which there are no customs and rituals associated with the birth of a child // Russian: family and social life. M., 1998. S. 292-307; Kremleva I.A. The program for collecting material on funeral customs and rites // Ibid. M., 1998. S. 307-326.

Alexandrov E.V. On two approaches to the creation of anthropological films // Salekhard 2000. Collection of articles on visual anthropology dedicated to the II Anthropological Film Festival. M., 2000. S. 14-33.

2 Pozdeeva I.V. Comprehensive studies of modern traditional culture of the Russian Old Believers: Results and perspectives // World of Old Believers. Issue 4. Living Traditions: Results and Perspectives of Comprehensive Studies of the Russian Old Believers. M. 1998. S. 12. You can imagine the very appeal to the stated topic. In the second - works devoted to non-Russian Old Believers. And, finally, published studies, in which, to one degree or another, the problems of socio-cultural adaptation of the Old Believer groups and the mechanisms of their self-preservation are raised.

The first works on the Old Believers were written by representatives of the official Orthodox Church and Russian historical science and pursued exclusively accusatory and missionary goals. They are attributed to the synodal direction of the Old Believer historiography, a characteristic feature of which was the isolation of the schism from the general historical context and the explanation of its causes only by internal church problems. The most famous work of this kind belongs to Metropolitan Macarius (Bulgakov)1. In this series, one can list the works of A.I. Zhuravlev, E. Golubinsky and many other authors2. The theory about the incorrectness of the old Russian rites was first objectively revised by N.F. Kapterev.

In this regard, it is interesting to compare the synodal works with the polemical writings of the Old Believers themselves, which give their own interpretations of the historical events that led to the split. First of all, these are the “History of the Vygovskaya Hermitage” by I. Filippov4, “A Brief History of the Old Orthodox (Old Believer) Church” by F.E. Melnikova5 and others. In the works of the Old Believer writers I.A. Kirillova, V.G. Senatov, V.P. Ryabushinsky found a definition of the philosophical and religious foundations of the Russian Old Believers, tra

1 (Bulgakov) Macarius. The history of the Russian split, known under the name of the Old Believers. SPb., 1855.

2 Golubinsky E. History of the Russian Church. M., 1900; Zhuravlev A.I. Complete historical news about the ancient strigolniks and new schismatics, the so-called Old Believers, collected from hidden Old Believer traditions, notes and letters, the Church of the Descent of the Holy Spirit, on Bolshaya Okhta. In 4 parts. M., 1890.

3 Kapterev N.F. Patriarch Nikon and Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich. In 2 vols. M., 1996.

4 Filippov I. History of the Vygovskaya Old Believer Desert. SPb., 1862.

5 Melnikov F.E. A Brief History of the Old Orthodox (Old Believer) Church. Barnaul, 1999. The tradition continued with a monograph by the modern Old Believer philosopher M.O. Shakhova1.

From the middle of the XIX century. a new, so-called democratic trend in the study of schism is developing. A start was made by A.P. Shchapov, who began to consider the Old Believers exclusively as a movement of social protest. In this vein, the works of S.P. Melgunov, A.S. Prugavin and others. Subsequently, such attempts were renewed more than once, first in the first revolutionary years, then in the Soviet period4.

In the 19th century the first interesting works appear, in which the Old Believers are characterized as a peculiar historical and cultural phenomenon of Russian life. So. N.M. Kostomarov saw in him a "phenomenon of mental progress", and P.N. Milyukov tried to identify common roots with other religious movements and Christian sectarianism5.

In the Soviet period, in accordance with the existing ideological guidelines, the Old Believers were considered either from an atheistic position or as a form of anti-feudal protest6. Serious in-depth research appeared at this time among Russian

1 Kirillov I.A. The Third Rome (an outline of the historical development of the idea of ​​Russian messionism). M., 1996; Ryabushinsky V.P. Old Believers and Russian religious feeling. M.-Jerusalem, 1994; Senatov V.G. Philosophy of the history of the Old Believers. M., 1995; Shakhov M.O. Philosophical aspects of old belief. M., 1997.

2 Shchapov A. Russian schism of the Old Believers, considered in connection with the internal state of the Russian church and citizenship in the 17th century and in the first half of the 18th century. The experience of historical research on the causes of the origin and spread of the Russian schism. Kazan, 1859.

3 Melgunov S.P. Old Believers and freedom of conscience (historical essay). M., 1907; He is. From the history of religious and social movements in Russia in the 19th century. Old Believers. Religious persecution. Sectarianism. M., 1919; Prugavin A.S. Religious renegades (essays on contemporary sectarianism). Issue 1. SPb., 1904.

4 Bonch-Bruevich V.D. Materials for the history and study of Russian sectarianism and schism. St. Petersburg, 1908-1909; He is. Schism and sectarianism in Russia (report by V.D. Bonch-Bruevich to the second regular congress of the RSDLP) // Selected Works. M., 1959. T.1. pp. 153-189; Kartsov V.G. Religious schism as a form of anti-feudal protest in the history of Russia. In 2 hours. Kalinin, 1971.

5 Kostomarov N.M. The history of the split among the schismatics // Bulletin of Europe. 1871. Book 4. C. 470537; Milyukov P.N. Essays on the history of Russian culture. T.2. 4.1.

6 Katunsky A. Old Believers. M., 1972; Milovidov V.F. Old Believers in the past and present. M., 1969; He is. Modern Old Believers. M., 1979. Russian emigration (S.A. Zenkovsky, A.V. Kartashov)1. A number of works by Soviet scientists devoted to medieval social consciousness, the ideology of the peasantry, social utopias and their connection with the Old Believer movement have not lost their significance to this day (A.I. Klibanov, K.V. Chistov, R.G. Pikhoya) .

The most consistent study of the Old Believers, its book and hand-written tradition was carried out by domestic archaeographers, thanks to which a huge number of monuments of the Old Believer thought were introduced into scientific circulation, their detailed analysis was made (N.N. Pokrovsky, I.V. Pozdeeva, E.A. Ageeva, E.B. Smilyanskaya, E.M. Smorgunova, I.V. Pochinskaya, A.T. Shashkov, V.I. Baidin, A.G. Mosin, E.M. Yukhimenko, etc.). Art critics, philologists and collectors of folklore (O.N. Bakhtina, T.E. Grebenyuk, S.E. Nikitina, B.JI. Klyaus and others) addressed the topic of the Old Believers.

The refusal of modern researchers from the given schemes and methodological clichés has opened up new prospects for the objective consecration of the phenomenon of the Old Believers in all its contradictions and versatility. Numerous scientific developments are reflected in specialized collections and periodicals. In this regard, it should be noted the series "The World of the Old Believers", which has been regularly published since 1992 by the archeographic laboratory of Moscow State University3. The works of leading and novice specialists representing various branches of knowledge, reports of local historians and members of religious communities are published in the materials of the annual conferences “Old Believers: history, culture

1 Zenkovsky S.A. Russian Old Believers: Spiritual Movements of the Seventeenth Century. M., 1995; Kartashev A.V. Collected works: in two volumes. T.2: Essays on the history of the Russian Church. M., 1992.

2 Klibanov A.I. People's social utopia in Russia. period of feudalism. M., 1977; Pikhoya R.G. Socio-political thought of the working people of the Urals (late XVH-XVHI centuries). Sverdlovsk, 1987; Chistov K.V. Russian folk socio-utopian legends of the 17th-19th centuries. M., 1976.

3 The world of the Old Believers. Issue. I: Personality. Book. Tradition. M.-SPb., 1992; Same. Issue. II: Old Believer Moscow. M., 1995; Same. Issue. III: Book. Tradition. Culture. Moscow, 1996; Same. tour, modernity"1. In addition, magazines with the same name have been published since 19942. To date, several issues of the "Ural Collection" prepared by Yekaterinburg scientists have already seen the light of day, a periodical dedicated to a special group of Old Believers - Lipovans appeared in Odessa3. The list can be continued with collective works edited by E.M. Yukhimenko4, collections and monographs covering the history and culture of various regional groups, including the Southern Urals5, etc.

In the context of my research, works that reflect historical events that took place in the study area, first of all, the monograph H.H. Pokrovsky "Anti-feudal protest of the Ural-Siberian peasants-Old Believers in the 18th century" (Novosibirsk, 1974). The South Ural region was included in only a few works on the history and culture of the entire Ural Old Believers. In this regard, we can name the book of N.P. Parfentiev6, which analyzes the later traditions of Old Russian musical art. Recently, the resulting gap has been significantly filled with two fundamental works - “Essays on the history of the Old Believers in the Urals and adjacent territories

Issue. 4. Living Traditions: Results and Prospects of Comprehensive Research. Materials of the international scientific conference. Moscow, 1998; Same. Issue. 5. History and modernity. M., 1999.

Old Believers: history, culture, modernity. Abstracts. M., 1996; Same. Moscow, 1997; Same. M., 1998; Same. M., 2000; Same. M., 2002; Same. M „ 2005. In 2 parts.

2 Old Believers: history, traditions, modernity. Issue. 1. M., 1994; Same. Issue. 2. M., 1994; Old Believers: history, culture, modernity. Issue. 3. M., 1995; Same. Issue. 4. M., 1995; Same. Issue. 5. M., 1996; The same, issue. 6. M., 1998; Same. Issue. 7. M., 1999; Same. Issue. 8. M., 2000; Same. Issue. 9. M., 2002; Same. Issue. 10. M., 2004.

Ural collection. Story. Culture. Religion. Issue 1. Yekaterinburg 1997; Same. Issue. II. Yekaterinburg, 1998; Same. Issue. 111. Yekaterinburg, 1999; Lipovan. History and culture of Russian Old Believers. Odessa, 2004; Same. Odessa, 2005.

4 Old Believers in Russia (XVII - XX centuries). M., 1999; Same. Issue Z. Moscow, 2004; Patriarch Nikon and his time. M., 2004.

5 Mikhailov S. Edinoverie churches in Guslitsy. Kurovskoe, 2001; Danilko E.S. Old Believers in the Southern Urals: Essays on History and Traditional Culture. Ufa, 2002; Old Believers in Ukraine and Russia: past and present. Kyiv, 2004; Filippovskaya genealogy: historical works of the Old Believers-Philippians of the Volga region and South Vyatka. M., 2004; Apanasenok A.V. The Old Believers of the Kursk Territory in the 17th - early 20th centuries. Kursk, 2005.

Parfentiev N.P. Traditions and monuments of ancient Russian musical and written culture in the Urals (XVI - XX centuries). Chelyabinsk, 1994. thorium” and a joint monograph by H.H. Pokrovsky and N.D. Zolnikova about chapel consent1.

In ethnographic terms, the material and spiritual culture of the Old Believers living in the Perm Territory has been most comprehensively studied to date (G.N. Chagin, S.A. Dilmukhametova, I.V. Vlasova, I.A. Kremleva, T.A. Listova , T.S. Makashina), Ust-Tsilma (T.N. Dronova), Far East(Yu.V. Argudyaeva), Transbaikalia (F.F. Bolonev) . A special category is made up of monographic studies of the Russian population in a particular territory, in which some specificity characteristic of the Old Believer culture was noted. According to this principle, the works of E.V. Richter about the Russians of the Western Peipsi, T.A. Bernshtam about Pomor culture, V.A. Lipinskaya about the Altai Territory3, etc.

The selection of only certain aspects of culture and life in the study of other regional groups of Old Believers somewhat complicates a general comparative analysis, but opens up opportunities for comparisons at a particular detailed level. Object-household sphere and economic activity Bukhtarmins are devoted to the works of E.E. Blomkvist and N.P. Grinkova4, Ural Cossacks - S.K. Sagnai

1 Essays on the history of the Old Believers of the Urals and adjacent territories. Yekaterinburg, 2000; Pokrovsky H.H., Zolnikova N.D. Old Believers-chapels in the East of Russia in the 17th - 20th centuries. M., 2002.

2 On the Ways from the Land of Perm to Siberia: Essays on the Ethnography of the North Ural Peasantry in the 17th - 20th Centuries. M., 1989; The Old Believer World of the Volga-Kama: Problems of Comprehensive Study: Proceedings of the Scientific Conference. Perm, 2001; Dronova T.I. Russian Old Believers-bespriests of Ust-Tsilma: confessional traditions in the rituals of the life cycle (end of the 19th - 20th centuries) Syktyvkar, 2002; Argudyaeva Yu.V. Peasant family among the Eastern Slavs in the south of the Russian Far East (50s of the 19th century - early 20th century). Moscow, 1997; She is. Old Believers in the Far East of Russia. M., 2000; Bolonev F.F. Folk calendar of Semey Transbaikalia (second half of the 19th - early 20th centuries). Novosibirsk, 1978; He is. Semeyskie: Historical and ethnographic essays. Ulan-Ude, 1985; He is. Old Believers of Transbaikalia in the XVIII - XX centuries. M., 2004.

3 Bernshtam T.A. Russian folk culture of Pomorie in the 19th - early 20th centuries. Ethnographic essays. L., 1983; Richter E.V. Russian population of Western Peipsi (essays on history, material and spiritual culture). Tallinn, 1976; Lipinskaya V.A. Russian population Altai Territory. Folk traditions in material culture (XVIII-XX centuries). M., 1987.

4 Bukhtarma Old Believers. L., 1930. war1. V.P. Fedorova examined in detail the wedding rituals of the Trans-Urals "Kerzhaks", there are descriptions of the rituals of the life cycle of the "Ust-Tsilems"3.

Many works of foreign authors are devoted to the Old Believers (R. Morris, R. Robson, D. Scheffel, E. Nakamura, E. Ivanets)4. Features of intergenerational relationships in the families of Old Believers and forms of communication are analyzed in the book by V. Player and the article by V. Ryuk-Dravin, which differ in the original author's approach, but contain many inaccuracies and superficial conclusions, which, in my opinion, is due to the lack of own field research5. A classic work on the Old Believers is the monograph of the French religious scholar P. Pascal, who, using the example of the Old Believers, characterized the Russian mentality and features of religiosity6.

As mentioned above, the next section of the historiographic review consists of works devoted to non-Russian Old Believers. Traditionally, studies of the schism and its significance in the history and culture of Russia were associated with the Russian people, and an official opinion was formed and consolidated about the monoethnicity of the Old Believers. However, according to historical evidence, it was quite widespread among a number of Finno-Ugric peoples, with whom many leading centers were associated on the territory of the modern Republic of Komi and Karelia, the Volga region and the Urals. First

1 Sagnaeva S.K. material culture Ural Cossacks of the late XIX - early XX century (development of ethnic traditions). Moscow, 1993.

2 Fedorova V.P. Wedding in the system of calendar and family customs of the Old Believers of the Southern Trans-Urals. Kurgan, 1997.

3 Babikova T.I. Funeral and memorial rite of the "Ust-Tsilems". Syktyvkar, 1998; Dronova T.I. The World of Childhood in the Traditional Culture of the Ust-Tsilems. Syktyvkar, 1999.

5 Pleyr W. Das russische Altglaubigentum: Geschihte. Darsrtellung in der Literatur. Munich, 1961; Ruke-Dravina V. Die Untersuchungen der russischen Mundarten im Balticum und ihre Bedeutung fur die allgemeine Dialektologie // Scando-Slavica. T.P. Copenhagen, 1965. S. 198-209.

6 Paskai P.P. Die russische Volksfrommigkeit // Ortodoxe Beitrage. Marburg an der Lahn, 1966. No.

7(2). information about non-Russian Old Believers appeared in publications already in the middle of the 19th century, but an increase in targeted research interest in them is observed only in last decade. The most extensive historiography belongs to the Komi Old Believers.

The first works that examined the influence of the Old Belief on the way of life and everyday life of the Komi-Zyryans are the essays by K.F. Zhakov and P.A. Sorokina1. Then, in the course of comprehensive studies of the ethnography of the Komi peoples in the 1940s-1950s. under the direction of V.N. Belitzer, the collection of field material was carried out along the way in the Old Believer villages. As a result of the expeditions, essays on the material and spiritual culture of the Komi peoples were published, in some cases some cultural specificity of individual Old Believer groups was noted, although their confessional affiliation and religiousness were not the subject of special consideration2.

The next to the topic of interest were L.N. Zherebtsov and L.P. Lashuk, in the works of different years they noted the cultural specificity of the Komi groups that adopted the "old faith", determined the geography of their settlement and sub-confessional composition. All their works are united by the conclusion about the conservative influence of the Old Believers on the culture of the Zyrians and on the preservation of "archaic religious remnants". Of great interest are the works of Yu.V. Gagarin, written on the results of a continuous concrete sociological study of the state of religiosity of the rural Komi population in 1966

1 Zhakov K.F. On the question of the composition of the population in the eastern part of the Vologda province. M., 1908; Sorokin P. A. Modern Zyryans // Ethnographic studies. Syktyvkar, 1999.

Belitser V.N. Report on the work of the integrated expedition to the Pechora // KSIE. Issue Z. M., 1947; She is. Ethnographic works on the Pechora // KSIE. Issue 14. M., 1952; She is. Essays on the ethnography of the Komi peoples: XIX - early XX century. M., 1958.

3 Zherebtsov L.N., Lashuk L.P. Ethnographic structure of the population of the upper Vychegda // Historical and philological collection. Issue. 5. Syktyvkar, 1960, pp. 53-98; Lashuk L.P. Old Believers on the territory of the Komi ASSR // Issues of atheistic propaganda. Syktyvkar, 1961, pp. 39-53; Foal

67 years The objectives of the study were to identify the degree of preservation of religious ideas and their characteristics among the Old Believers. The main conclusion was the conclusion about the imminent "extinction" of the Old Believers1.

Systematic and consistent research on Pechora, Vychegda and Vashka began already in the 1980s, when a folklore and ethnographic laboratory was created at Syktyvkar University. Syktyvkar scientists (A.N. Vlasov, Yu.V. Savelyev, E.V. Prokuratorova, T.A. Kaneva, T.F. Volkova, T.A. Dronova, V.E. Sharapov) prepared a series of collections with materials on the Old Believer book and handwritten tradition, the formation and functioning of individual communities, mentor clans, the role of the book in traditional culture2.

The latest research among the Komi-Zyryan Old Believers (questions of mythology, artistic creativity) belong to V.E. Sharapov and P.F. Limerov3 who worked in Old Believer villages in the 1990s. The history and culture of local Old Believer groups among the Komi-Zyryans became the subject of A.A. Chuvyurova and V.V. Vlasova in order to identify the role of the Old Believers in the formation of local ethno-confessional communities, determining their cultural specifics4. These authors also own many other published works. More details L.N. Economy, culture and life of the Udora Komi in the 18th - early 20th centuries. M., 1972; Lashuk L.P. Formation of the Komi people. M., 1972.

1 Gagarin Yu.V. Old Believers. Syktyvkar, 1973; He is. History of religion and atheism of the Komi people. M., 1978.

2 Sources on the history of the folk culture of the North. Syktyvkar, 1991; Old Believer Center on Vashka. The Oral and Written Tradition of Udora: Materials and Research. Syktyvkar, 2002; Old Belief in the North-East of the European part of Russia. Syktyvkar, 2006.

3 Sharapov V.E. Christian stories in the folklore of the Komi-Old Believers of the Middle Pechora // Christianization of the Komi region and its role in the development of statehood and culture. Syktyvkar, 1996; He is. On the tradition of making carved wooden icons and pectoral crosses among Komi-Old Believers-bespopovtsev // Museums and local history. Issue Z. Syktyvkar, 2001, pp. 191-197; Limerov P.F. Udora Old Believers // Springs of Parma. Bbin IV. Syktyvkar, 1996.

4 Vlasova V.V. Groups of Komi (Zyryan) Old Believers: confessional features of social and ritual life (XIX - XX centuries). Diss. for the competition uch. Art. cand. ist. Sciences. St. Petersburg, 2002; Chuvyurov A.A. Local Komi groups of the Upper and Middle Pechora: problems of linguistic, historical, cultural and confessional self-identification. SPb., 2003. A review of publications on the Zyryan Old Believers was also compiled by V.V. Vlasova.

The ethno-confessional history of the Tikhvin Karelian Old Believers over the course of three and a half centuries, based on original field material and identified archival and documentary sources, is consecrated in the monograph and articles by O.M. Fishman, who used a phenomenological approach in her research1.

Scientific research among the Old Believer groups of Perm began to be carried out already in the 1950s. V.N. Belitzer, in addition to the mentioned works, a separate essay was written on the material culture of the Komi-Zyuzdins, where their belonging to the Old Believers is noted, but attention is focused on other problems2. Modern scientific publications about this group are literally counted in units3, the rest belong mainly to pre-revolutionary authors. In this regard, for my research, it was interesting to attract materials about the closest neighbors of the Zyuzda Permians - the Yurlin group of Russians, which was subjected to strong Old Believer influence (collective monograph by Bakhmatov A.A., Podyukov I.A., Khorobrykh C.V., Chernykh A.V., articles by I.V. Vlasova)4 .

Philologists turned to the culture of the Yazva Permians, who noted the bright specificity of their dialect, these are, first of all, V.I. Lytkin in the 1960s, then modern scientists (P.M. Batalova,

1 Fishman O.M. Life by Faith: Tikhvin Karelians-Old Believers. M., 2003; She is. Phenomenological approach to the study of the group consciousness of the Tikhvin Karelians (on the example of mythological and historical legends) // Kunstkamera. Ethnographic notebooks. Issue. 2-3. SPb., 1993. S. 20-28 and others.

2 Belitzer B.H. Among the Zyuzda Komi-Permyaks // KSIE. XV. Moscow, 1952, pp. 27-39.

3 Trushkova I. Yu., Senkina G.A. Zyuzda Komi: ethnocultural specificity in the past and present // Komi-Permyatsky Okrug and the Urals: history and modernity. Kudymkar, 2000, p. 103105.

4 Bakhmatov A.A., Podyukov I.A., Khorobrykh C.V., Chernykh A.V. Yurlinsky region. Traditional Russian culture of the late XIX - early XX centuries. Materials and research. Kudymkar, 2003; Vlasova I.V. To the study of ethnographic groups of Russians (Yurlintsy) // Nash Krai. Kudymkar, 1995. Issue. 7. S. 61-67; She is. Placement of the Old Believers in the Northern Urals and their contacts with the surrounding population // TDMK. pp. 196-202.

EAT. Smorgunov)1. Numerous works by G.N. Chagin, who, on the basis of many years of research, comes to important conclusions that, due to the specificity of culture and language, the Yazvinians can be considered not as an ethnographic group of Permians, but as one of the Komi peoples. On the example of Yazvintsev V.I. Baidin revealed the general patterns of the spread of Old Belief among the Finno-Ugric peoples.

Since 1972, systematic work was carried out among the Yazvinians by the employees of the archeographic laboratory of Moscow State University, the local book tradition was studied, its relationship with the history of the fugitive-priest Old Believer consent was revealed. The research was reflected in a number of publications in the aforementioned university series of publications devoted to the problems of the Old Believers (articles by E.M. Smorgunova, V.P. Pushkov, I.V. Pozdeeva). Several expeditions were organized by teachers and students of Kudymkar state institute. Thus, today it is the most studied group of the Finno-Ugric Old Believer population in the Ural-Volga region. However, far from all aspects of the history and culture of the Komi-Yazva people are fully consecrated, and their comprehensive analysis is also required.

There were practically no separate works devoted to the Old Believers among the Mordovians, although there are references to this phenomenon in missionary reports, archival sources, and articles on the Christianization of foreigners. Some information about sectarianism among the Mordovians, and about a hundred

1 Lytkin V.I. Komi-Yazva dialect. M., 1961; Batalova R.M. Areal research on Eastern Finno-Ugric languages ​​(Komi languages). Moscow, 1992; Smorgunova E.M. Old Believers of Upper Yazva: a special language situation // TDKM. pp. 157-162.

2 Chagin G.N., Chernykh A.V. The peoples of the Kama region. Essays on ethnocultural development in the 19th-20th centuries. Perm, 2002; Chagin G.N. Pudvinskaya Lavra // Ural collection. Story. Culture. Religion. Ekaterinburg, 1997. S.168-173; He is. Yazvinsky Permians. Perm, 1993; He is. Yazvinsky Permians. Historical and cultural island. Perm, 1995; He is. On the ground it was, but on Yazvinskaya. Perm, 1997; He is. Komi-Yazvinsky Permians are an ancient people of the Northern Urals. Krasnovishersk, 2002.

3 Baidin V.I. The initial period of the history of the Verkh-Yazva sketes (on the issue of the spread of the Old Believers among the Finno-Ugric peoples) // Cherdyn and the Urals in the historical and cultural heritage of Russia. Perm, 1999. S.195-200. rituals of different consents, available in pre-revolutionary publications, were summarized by E.H. Mokshina1.

Among the other Finno-Ugric peoples of the Volga region, the Old Believers did not find wide distribution and, accordingly, its influence on their traditional culture was insignificant. There are references to the Old Believers among the Udmurts in the book by Yu.M. Ivonin, but are only ascertaining in nature. E.F. writes about this in somewhat more detail. Shumilov in a monograph on Christianity in Udmurtia2.

The Old Believer groups among the Chuvash aroused scientific interest only in the context of general studies of various sectarian movements, without being the subject of special consideration. Yu.M. Braslavsky3. G.E. Kudryashov singled out this phenomenon among the Chuvash as a special type of religious syncretism, formed as a result of the convergence (i.e., preliminary synthesis) of a number of religious systems at a late stage of inter-confessional and inter-ethnic interactions4.

Thus, the problem of non-Russian Old Believers in the Ural-Volga region, which is of great theoretical interest, was considered fragmentary, there are practically no comprehensive studies, and the degree of study of various groups of Old Believers is not the same. In this regard, new research in this area seems to be very promising.

1 Mokshina E.H. Religious life of the Mordovians in the second half of the 19th - early 21st century. Saransk, 2004.

2 Ivonin Yu.M. Old Believers and Old Believers in Udmurtia. Izhevsk, 1973; Shumilov E.F. Christianity in Udmurtia. Civilization processes and Christian art. XVI - early XX century. Izhevsk, 2001.

3Braslavsky JI.IO. Old Believers and Christian sectarianism in Chuvashia. Cheboksary,

4Kudryashov G.E. Dynamics of polysyncretic religiosity. Experience of historical-ethnographic and concrete-sociological study of the genesis, evolution and extinction of the religious survivals of the Chuvash. Cheboksary, 1974. S. 28.

In the third section of this historiographical review, works are noted in which, to one degree or another, problems are raised that are also being solved in this dissertation. First of all, it is necessary to make a reservation that the consideration of the Old Believers not as a conservative and extremely isolated phenomenon, but as a living developing tradition is characteristic of most modern studies. So, archeographers, analyzing works of writing in all genre diversity, draw a direct parallel between the ancient Russian cultural tradition and modern Old Believers. This approach is typical, in particular, for the works of E.A. Ageeva, E.V. Smorgunova, I.V. Pozdeeva, E.B. Smilyanskaya, and others published in the periodical series of Moscow State University. UFO. Bubnov defines the Old Believers as an intermediary culture between the Middle Ages and modern Europeanized Russia1. At the same time, speaking about the preservation of the ancient elements of Russian culture in the Old Believers, scientists note “the persistence, activity, dynamism, even just the resourcefulness of the Old Believer movement as a whole,” which allow it to always be in accordance with a specific historical context. S.E. Nikita-on. R. Morris characterizes the Old Believers as a kind of key to understanding the processes of convergence in modern world 3.

1 Bubnov Yu.N. Old Believer book in Russia in the second half of the 17th century. Sources, types and evolution. SPb., 1995.

2 See for example: Nikitina S.E. On the concept of an ethno-confessional group in relation to the Old Believers // Altar of Russia. Issue 1. S. 16.

3 Morris R. Old Believers as a Key to Understanding the Process of Convergence // Altar of Russia. Issue. 1. Old Believers in Siberia and the Far East, history and modernity: local tradition. Russian and foreign connections. Vladivostok - Big Stone, 1997. S. 24-29; He is. Life according to ancient traditions in the remote Siberian taiga // World of the Old Believers. Issue. 4. Living Traditions: Results and Perspectives of Integrated Research, Moscow, 1998, pp. 320-333.

The problem of adaptation resources of the Old Believers was raised by E.E. Dutchak, who emphasized the important role of the family in the processes of intergenerational transmission of traditional norms1. The difficulties of self-preservation of the Old Believers in a single-ethnic environment were also considered by V.A. Lipinskaya2.

Source base of research. An important source for the dissertation research was pre-revolutionary publications, which contain information of varying degrees of saturation about the split in the study area. The line between sources and historiography seems to be very arbitrary here. In this regard, N. Chernavsky's work on the Orenburg diocese is of great value. Describing in detail all any significant local events, the author provides a lot of interesting information about the Old Believers: the popularity of their ideas among the Cossacks, the founding of sketes, the missionary activities of secular authorities and the Orthodox clergy, and statistical tables3. A similar kind of work on the Ufa diocese was written by I.G. Zoloto-Verkhovnikov. Placing in the book data on the number of schismatics by counties and individual settlements for 1897, he also explains the reason for the rapid spread of the split in the region, linking it with the construction of mining plants4. The stages of this process are analyzed by V.M. Cheremshansky1.

One of the active figures of the Ufa Missionary Committee N.P. Tyunin published in 1889 a collection of personal conversations with the Old Believers, supplemented by the author's reflections and comments

1 Dutchak E.E. The Old Believer Community of Gar: Possibilities of Sociological Discourse // Old Believers: History, Culture, Modernity. M., 2002. S. 189-199.

Lipinskaya V.A. On the stability of small confessional groups in a single-ethnic environment (based on materials from the south of Western Siberia) // TDMK.Novosibirsk, 1992. P. 212-224.

3 Chernavsky N. Orenburg diocese in the past and present // Proceedings of the Orenburg Scientific Archival Commission. Issue. I. Orenburg, 1900; Issue. II. 1901-1902.

4 Zolotoverkhovnikov I.G. Ufa diocese in 1897. Geographical, ethnographic, administrative-historical and statistical essay. Ufa, 1899. mi2. It included a lot of ethnographic stories - descriptions of some family rituals, household specifics, small details characteristic of the local sects (hollow holes, pigeon sense, etc.). This cannot be gleaned from dry archival files. Tyunin's biased attitude towards his interlocutors and noticeable tendentiousness do not prevent him from considering the book an important source.

Ethnographic sketches about the Old Believers were made in the travel notes of M.A. Krukovsky and K.P. Gorbunov, historical essay by V. Kasimovsky3. Interesting information about the life of famous schismatic sketes, located on the territory of the Ural Cossack army and closely associated with the Irgiz monasteries, can be extracted from the article by P.V. Yudin4. The most detailed ethnographic essay on the Old Believers of the Southern Urals at the beginning of the 20th century. is an article by D.K. Zelenina. In 1905, a well-known Russian scientist spent a whole month in the village of Usen-Ivanovskoye, Belebeevsky district, Ufa province, among the Runaway Old Believers and outlined his observations in a rather voluminous essay. It provides a historical overview general characteristics ways of managing, construction of dwellings, description of traditional clothing, features of the everyday way of life, religious life and ritual practice of the Usinchans1.

Early history of the Old Believers on the territory of the Perm province (from the end of the 17th century to the second half of XIX centuries) was presented in detail by Archimandrite Pallady (Pyankov), his fundamental work, based on a huge number of almost all available documents during the period of writing and information from obvious

Cheremshansky V.M. Description of the Orenburg province in economic and statistical, ethnographic, geographical and industrial terms. Ufa. 1859.

2 Tyunin N.P. Letters on the split (for the years 1886-1889). Issue. I. Ufa, 1889.

3 Krukovsky M.A. Southern Urals. Travel essays. M., 1909; Gorbunov K.P. Among the schismatics of the Southern Urals (from the diary of a tourist) // Historical Bulletin. 1888. No. 12; Kasimovsky V. Historical essays on Duvan (1868, 1877). Mesyagutovo, 1991.

4 Yudin P.V. In the Syrt Wilds (Essay from the past of the Ural Old Believers) // Russian antiquity. 1896. No. 1. Tsev, to this day remains the most valuable and objective source of information about the Old Believer communities of various accords in all counties of the province (the appearance of the first sketes, biographies of famous priests and mentors), including the Old Believer center on Upper Yazva. The works of I.Ya. Krivoshchekov, Ya. Kamasinsky, travel notes of N.P. Beldytsky3.

An extensive ethnographic essay by N.P. Steinfeld, which contains detailed information about the features of their settlement and management, describes the way of life. Noting the commitment of the local population to the split, the author writes: “The split here is a positive and special phenomenon. During the five hundred years of Orthodoxy, the Zyuzdins did not even learn how to pray, let alone any more or less definite concepts of the dogmas and rites of their religion. It would seem that the soil here is decidedly unsuitable for the emergence of a split. In fact, about fifty years ago, it spread quite strongly and is holding on stubbornly.

Some data that allows localizing the Chuvash Old Believer groups on the territory of the Ural-Volga region are available in the articles by N.V. Nikolsky5. Fragmentary information about the Old Believers among the Mordovians is contained in the well-known researcher M.V. Evsevieva6.

1 Zelenin D.K. Life features of the Usen-Ivanovo Old Believers // Proceedings of the Society for History, Archeology and Ethnography at Kazan University. 1905, Vol.21. Issue Z. pp. 201-258.

1 Shchalladiy] (Pyankov), archim. Review of the Perm schism of the so-called "Old Believers". SPb., 1863.

3 Krivoshchekov I.Ya. Geographical and statistical dictionary of the Cherdyn district of the Perm province. Perm, 1914; Kamasinsky Ya. Near the Kama. Ethnographic essays and stories. M., 1905; Beldytsky N.P. About the Vishera Territory // Perm Zemstvo Week. 1908. No. 7-18.

4 Steinfeld N.P. Zyuzda region (Glazovsky district) N Calendar of the Vyatka province for 1893. Vyatka, 1892. P. 312.

5 Nikolsky H.B. Christianity among the Chuvash of the Middle Volga region in the XVI-XVIH centuries. Historical essay. Kazan, 1912.

6 Evseviev M.V. Selected writings. T.5. Saransk, 1966.

Another type of published sources used in this work are various periodicals. First of all, these are regularly published in the 19th and early 20th centuries. Diocesan Gazette (Orenburg, Ufa, Vyatka, Perm, Samara, Simbirsk Gazettes were used). The reports of parish priests printed in them without fail contained information about existing schisms and sects, sometimes the distribution of schismatics according to interpretations and agreements was made. Of particular value are the personal observations of their compilers, since statistics, as a rule, were not reliable.

The first publications about the Old Believers among the Finno-Ugric peoples of the Ural-Volga region appeared precisely in church periodicals, these were works written by Orthodox priests and having a predominantly missionary orientation. Despite the tendentiousness, they are distinguished by their detail; they also deal with the history of the spread of the schism among the "gentiles", and the peculiarities of their way of life, and the form of religious life. A series of articles by priest N. Blinov on the Komi-Permyaks should be singled out, where the special influence of the Old Believers on their way of life is noted1. Information about the Zyuzda group of Perm Old Believers can be gleaned from the work of Archpriest M. Formakovsky2. The missionary G. Selivanovsky3 wrote about the group of “non-Molaks”. A short note in Simbirskie Vedomosti became practically the only source of information about one of the groups of Chuvash Old Believers4, etc.

1 Blinov N. Agricultural life of the Permians and Votyaks of the Karsovai parish (Glazovsky district) // Vyatskiye Provincial Gazette. 1865. No. 31-33; He is. Foreigners of the north-eastern part of the Glazov district//Ibid. No. 59-67.

2 Formakovsky M. A split in the northern strip of the Glazovsky district. From the report of the missionary Archpriest M. Formakovsky for 1879 // BEB. 1880. No. 10.

3 Selivanovsky G. Nemolyaki // BEB. 1902. No. 16.

4 On the history of Christian educational work among foreigners (History of one foreign parish) // SEV. 1898. No. 23.

In addition, the report of the Ufa Brotherhood of the Resurrection of Christ for 1898 and notes about the Old Believers from provincial newspapers were actively used in the dissertation. The materials of the All-Russian census of 1897 partly contributed to the discovery of a non-Russian element among the Old Believer population of the region. "Lists of populated places" in various provinces were involved.

The fragmentation and insufficiency of the published materials at my disposal predetermined their auxiliary, secondary function. The volume of archival documentation is much more significant in the work, in all its diversity several categories can be conventionally distinguished (See Appendix III).

The first type includes archival sources of a statistical nature. Solving the task of completely eradicating the split, which the authorities set themselves, was impossible without clarifying the places of its distribution and knowing the quantitative indicators. In this regard, throughout its existence, many orders were issued obliging local city and police departments to provide accurate information about the number of schismatics and their prayer buildings. This desired accuracy in real practice was practically unattainable, for a number of reasons. First, the natural desire of the Old Believers themselves to hide their confessional affiliation, both because of persecution and out of prejudice against official records. Secondly, a significant layer of the entrepreneurial elite of the Ural society consisted of adherents of the old faith. This is in addition to the fact that merchants and factory owners were seriously interested in cheap and reliable labor, and therefore were in no hurry to give the authorities the true number of Old Believers. Thirdly, the silence of the official clergy could often be guaranteed by elementary bribery.

Accordingly, various statements and reports deposited in archival funds do not carry objective statistical information. Their value lies elsewhere. They made it possible to identify the settlements where the Old Believers lived, and sometimes their sub-confessions, which was especially important for the almost unexplored Southern Urals in this regard. Such cases, together with modern field material, formed the basis for the creation of maps placed in the appendix (See Appendix IV). With their help, the routes of modern expeditionary trips were planned.

The second category of archival sources, selectively used in the dissertation, included forensic investigative materials. These are reports about the crimes of schismatics against the Orthodox Church, lists of those who were not at confession, court cases on seducing the Orthodox into schism, on the capture of schismatic priests, the discovery of secret sketes and prayer houses, on marriages, etc.

The next large group of materials was the registration documents of the Old Believer communities. The first stream of such cases is observed in the period from 1906 to 1915, that is, after the Supreme Decree on freedom of religion in the Russian Empire. And the second - already in Soviet times, when the fiscal goals of an atheistic state were disguised under the guise of registration. In the Soviet period, another kind of sources was formed that covered directly opposite processes - the cessation of the activities of Old Believer religious associations, the closure and transfer of churches and prayer houses for cultural institutions and economic needs. This also includes applications for the registration of various groups and correspondence in this regard.

In general, sources stored in seven archives were studied - the Russian State Historical Archive (RGIA, F.815, 796), the Archive of the Russian Academy of Sciences (St.

Petersburg branch, F.ZO), Central State Historical Archive of the Republic of Bashkortostan (TsGIA RB. F.I-1, I-2, I.6, I-9, I-11, R-394, R-1252, R- 4732, R-4797), the State Archive of Public Associations of the Republic of Bashkortostan (SAOO RB, F. P-122), the current archive of the Council for Religious Affairs under the Cabinet of Ministers of the Republic of Belarus, the Central State Archive of the Orenburg Region (TsGAOO. F.6, 10, 11 , 18, 37, 94, 164, 167, 175, R-617) and the State Archive of the Chelyabinsk Region (GACHO. F.220, I-1, I-3, I-33, R-274, F.6, F .eleven). More than two hundred cases were involved in the analysis.

Despite the great importance of archival data, the most extensive group of sources was the materials of the author's field ethnographic research, collected during individual expedition trips. About 80 settlements were covered on the territory of the Republic of Bashkortostan (1996-2005) and Chuvashia (2005), Chelyabinsk (2001-2005), Orenburg (2001-2004), Perm (2004-2005). ), Kirov (2004-2005), Ulyanovsk (2006) regions. The list of settlements is given in the appendix.

In the questionnaire-guidebook, the main thematic blocks of the conversation with the informants were identified. The guide includes sections on history (settlement, the history of the Old Believer movements, the current state of communities), material and spiritual culture.

As observations show, at present, the material culture of the Old Believers has undergone significant unification and standardization, therefore, attention was paid only to those elements of it that moved into the category of attributes of the ritual-religious sphere and were fixed as dominant features of culture (prayer costume complex, ritual food, etc.). d.).

Accordingly, the corpus of questions relating to spiritual culture was much wider. It included sections designed to reveal the features of the Old Believer worldview (eschatological expectations, the existence of utopian legends, the interpretation of book texts). Much attention was paid to the study of religiosity. Research in this area is feasible only in the context of the daily life of an individual and society and involves the recording and analysis of particular manifestations of religiosity. Church holidays, public worship, veneration of local shrines, as well as the degree of observance of religious prescriptions and taboos, knowledge of the basic canons, attitude to the sacraments were considered as the latter. The composition and structure of confessional communities, the role of spiritual leaders in them - priests and mentors were revealed.

Scientific novelty of the research. Fundamentally new is the solution of the task - to identify the mechanisms of self-preservation of the Old Believer communities - on the example of various ethno-cultural environments, since the involvement of material on the Finno-Ugric groups of Old Believers and a multi-level comparative analysis with control groups of Russian Old Believers and representatives of the studied peoples who do not belong to the Old Believer confession is carried out in ethnology for the first time.

In many ways, the object of research is also new - the Old Believers among the Finno-Ugric peoples. In particular, to date, not a single special work has been devoted to the Old Believers among the Mordovians, and studies among the Komi-Zyuzdins, which were reflected in only a few articles, were carried out in the middle of the past century.

For the first time in the dissertation, previously unknown archival sources and original field material are introduced into scientific circulation, which makes it possible to fill in the gaps in Russian science and provides concrete material for scientific generalizations.

Practical significance. Dissertation materials can be used to popularize knowledge about the Old Believers, when writing curricula and manuals on the history and traditional culture of the East Slavic and Finno-Ugric peoples of the Ural-Volga region and various confessional groups, and used to compile confessional maps. The scientific information contained in the dissertation can become the basis for the development of general and special courses in universities, as well as for lecture and educational activities in museums and national cultural societies.

Approbation of the study. The main provisions of the dissertation were presented by the author in reports and communications at international, all-Russian, regional conferences and congresses organized by scientific and educational centers of the years. Moscow (1997, 1998, 1999, 2000, 2002, 2004, 2005), St. Petersburg (2005), Omsk (1997, 2003, 2005), Nalchik (2001), Ufa (1996, 1997, 1998, 1999, 2000, 2001, 2006), Yekaterinburg (2000), Orenburg (1998), Chelyabinsk (2006), Perm (2001), Saransk (2004), Samara (2002, 2006), Izhevsk (2004), Sarapul (1997), Yoshkar-Ola (2005), Ulan-Ude (2001), Astrakhan (2005), Kyiv (2004), Budapest (2004), were discussed at the Center for the Study of Interethnic Relations of the Institute of Ethnology and Anthropology of the Russian Academy of Sciences.

Similar theses in the specialty "Ethnography, ethnology and anthropology", 07.00.07 VAK code

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Dissertation conclusion on the topic "Ethnography, ethnology and anthropology", Danilko, Elena Sergeevna

Conclusion

The spread of the Old Believers on the territory of the Ural-Volga region was a long historical process, the intensity of which at one stage or another, along with the complexities of relations with government bodies and the official church, was also determined by transformations within the entire religious movement and individual Old Believer agreements, as well as by the wide opportunities opening up. for the economic and cultural development of sparsely populated territories.

Until the first quarter of the 18th century, the bulk of the Old Believers in the region under study were Cossacks, who, due to their isolated position in the eastern outskirts of Russia, continued to adhere to the old rites even after the church reform. Subsequently, the increase in the number of "schismatics" here was associated with the construction of fortresses and mining enterprises, and then with peasant colonization. Religious self-organization within the framework of the Old Believer agreements turned out to be quite adapted to solving organizational problems that arose before the settlers (selection of places for settlements, migration routes, protection of property rights, land divisions, etc.), and subsequently contributed to the stabilization of the existence of communities in the new socio-economic conditions. Peasant colonization of the region continued with varying degrees of intensity until the beginning of the 20th century. Only by this time, the places of compact settlement of the Old Believers, the boundaries of the main interpretations and agreements, were finally designated.

Initially, the Old Believers in the Ural-Volga region were a Russian phenomenon. The basis for intercultural interactions with the Finno-Ugric and other peoples, which resulted in the adoption of part of their Old Believer doctrine, was laid mainly during the 18th and 19th centuries in the process of joint development of new lands and the gradual establishment of various contacts. In the course of the study, factors that contributed to intercultural interaction were identified: territorial (striped settlement); economic and economic (industrial and trade contacts, seasonal trades); sociocultural (knowledge of the Russian language by the Finno-Ugric peoples and Turks, familiarity with the basics of Christianity); and the main reasons for the spread of the Old Believers among the Volga peoples (worldview crisis, social tension caused by measures for forced Christianization, socio-psychological closeness of "schismatics" and "foreigners").

The adoption of the Old Believers by the Volga peoples, even where it was not a mass phenomenon, led to the isolation of small groups within their religious communities and, as a result, to their further isolation in social terms. In general, this diversified the general ethno-confessional mosaic of the Ural-Volga region and complicated inter-confessional and inter-ethnic, as well as intra-ethnic interaction in the region.

As the study showed, being originally a Russian phenomenon, the Old Believers as a religious doctrine, nevertheless, allowed the existence of a different ethnicity from their adherents. The adoption of the Old Believers did not lead to the immediate Russification of the "foreigners", religious self-consciousness coexisted with the general ethnic and linguistic. The Ural-Volga region is characterized by the formation of both mono-ethnic (Russian, Mordovian, Permyak, Chuvash) and poly-ethnic confessional communities based on the Old Believers (Russian-Mordovian, Russian-Permyak, Russian-Chuvash-Mordovian) around religious centers (temples or chapels), uniting the inhabitants of the nearest settlements according to the parish type.

Where the level of interethnic interactions is relatively low, confessional (Old Believer) affiliation, along with language, can serve as a group marker separating both from the main ethnic mass and from Russians. A similar situation has historically developed among the Yazva Permians ("We are not Komi-Permyaks and not Russians, they have the Nikon patriarchal faith, and we are Old Believers"). In addition, in this group, the adoption of the Old Believers also served as a factor in the conservation of their native language; it is among the Yazvin Old Believers that the Permian language is mainly used as a colloquial language. Among the Komi-Zyuzdins, such a relationship was not revealed, in the assimilation processes, accompanied by the loss of their native language and the change of ethnic identity (to Russian), both Old Believers and Orthodox are equally involved.

The adoption of the Old Believers by the Volga peoples led to the transformation of their ethno-cultural appearance, changing the ritual and everyday spheres of their life, in some cases, displacing, in others, on the contrary, conserving individual elements of the traditional complex, at the same time introducing new ones characteristic of Russian culture. As field studies show, the set of these conserved or displaced elements is always variable in different regional groups. According to S.A. Arutyunova, the extralinguistic part of culture is generally more diffuse and permeable than the linguistic part, so the moment of switching the cultural code is not as discrete and clear as when switching from one language to another, and is not so easily amenable to unambiguous fixation1. At the same time, in all the studied groups, a complex of cultural phenomena, objects, symbols is revealed, characterized by the bearers of culture themselves as "Old Believer", and acting as confessional markers, regardless of both the actual degree of preservation and the degree of compliance with the canon.

Thus, the Old Believers, both in Russian and Finno-Ugric communities, is an integral part of the group self-consciousness,

1 Arutyunov S.A. Cultures, traditions and their development and interaction. M., 2000. S. 182. defining it at various levels of social interactions: within a confession (separation between consents), within an ethnos (separation between ethnographic and religious groups) and, finally, more widely regulating relations with the external environment (separation from other ethnic groups on the basis of ethnic and confessional (Old Believer) affiliation).

The starting point in solving the main problem posed in this study was the thesis of the inseparability of the Old Believer group identity with the preservation and reproduction of tradition. For the Old Believers, tradition performs the function of defining meaning, evaluating and ordering being, that is, it is a universal mechanism that ensures the stability of Old Believer groups or social systems, aimed, on the one hand, at ordering the systems themselves as integral organisms, on the other hand, at regulating their interaction with external environment.

The external environment sets the rules and restrictions according to which the social system functions, and, at the same time, initiates the adaptation process. For the Old Believers, which was originally an opposition movement, relations with the state and the official church played an important role. In the course of historical development, the Old Believer communities developed many defensive strategies, and in this paper one of the aspects of the problem related to the organization of church life, which is heavily dependent on state measures to combat schism, was considered. The functions of religious centers in the Old Believers were performed by secret monasteries (monasteries) and private chapels, the connection between which was carried out through priests or mentors and active laity. As the study showed, church institutions scattered over vast territories regulated the life of many communities and represented a kind of network within the framework of individual agreements, the components of which were quickly restored in the event of destruction. In addition, Old Believer monasteries and church parishes have demonstrated the ability to combine and separate functions depending on the historical context. The maintenance of the stability of religious life was facilitated by the persisting and currently certain way of hierarchizing the internal structure of individual Old Believer communities according to the degree to which the behavior of individuals conforms to an authoritatively established norm.

An important role in overcoming crisis situations in the Old Believers has always been played by the personal factor, which was especially evident in the most difficult Soviet period, when religious life in communities was supported by a small circle of people, as a rule, monks of former monasteries. The transfer of the monastery to the "world", although it was a violation of the canon, but under the prevailing conditions was considered as the only way to preserve and transmit the tradition. Accordingly, unlike most Old Believer communities, in which the transmission of religious experience in Soviet times took place only at the level of individual families, there were also institutionalized forms of transmission of sacred knowledge in such communities, which to a large extent contributed to the strengthening of intra-group ties. In general, the Soviet period turned out to be the most destructive for the Old Believers, the currently observed restoration of the infrastructure of the Old Believers' agreements is much slower than in official Orthodoxy. Historical experience is used: just as in the 19th century, communications between individual communities are carried out through priests and active laity.

Despite the declared isolation and the desire to limit external contacts, three main areas of interaction between the Old Believers and the environment of other ethnicities and confessions are identified. Interactions in the economic sphere, although they were the most active, did not affect the preservation of the religious tradition, but ensured the physical survival of the Old Believer communities. Interfaith marriages were subjected to stricter collective control, intra-family and intra-communal, but allowed under certain conditions, rather flexible ways of resolving contradictions between the canon and everyday practice were developed. Finally, the third direction of interaction - missionary activity, was qualitatively different from the first two, being quite definitely aimed precisely at expanding contacts and strengthening the presence of the Old Believers in the "foreign" environment.

The external environment, considered in the context of the adaptive process, also acts as a subject of interpretive activity, since each community perceives and explains it in its own way, in accordance with the cultural and historical context and with its own conceptual picture of the world. The Old Believers are characterized by the use of eschatological categories in the socio-historical conception, which, in my opinion, is explained both by the circumstances of their emergence and existence in an aggressive atmosphere, and by the reaction of traditional society to transformational processes. All new phenomena of the surrounding world, related to social life, to the objective and natural world, are interpreted by the Old Believers as signs of the last times. That is, eschatology is a way of interpreting reality and, accordingly, including the changing forms of everyday life in the circle of familiar and explicable concepts. In addition, by creating additional psychological tension, eschatology allows you to more fully mobilize defense mechanisms to maintain group integrity. Thus, the messianic idea, relevant for the Old Believers, is closely connected with Christian eschatology, contributing to the formation of pronounced personalism and their perception of their own position as the only correct and possible one.

The self-preservation of the Old Believer communities, as well as other ethno-confessional communities, is directly related to the maintenance of external and internal group boundaries, while the principle of selecting cultural features symbolizing the border is determined by the degree of compliance with tradition, they should not be subjectively evaluated as an innovation.

The separation of the Old Believers from other communities was originally built on a religious basis, in this regard, the border is fixed, first of all, by a system of confessional symbols (churches and prayer houses, books, icons, various religious objects), which make up the so-called basic symbolic environment, which, assimilated Being in the process of socialization as carriers of culture, it contributes to group cohesion. Accordingly, the most stringent restrictions on contacts with "strangers" also apply to the ritual and religious sphere (ban on joint worship, visits to temples, use of religious objects).

Along with confessional symbols, household phenomena (clothing, appearance, food) are also given a symbolic status in the Old Believers. If, under the conditions of normal reproduction of cultural tradition, everyday behavior is defined as “natural”, then in the case when society finds itself in the position of an outcast, it is endowed with a special meaning and additional functions, values ​​and motivations. The rejection of novelties, first of the Petrine era, and then of all subsequent ones, contributed to the gradual folding of a whole system of domestic prohibitions. Old-fashioned clothing, wearing a beard, and not smoking are now perceived by the Old Believers themselves and the surrounding population as symbols of the group. In addition, behavioral taboos are declared that are mandatory for every “true” Old Believer (a ban on a joint meal with representatives of another confession, the pronunciation of certain words, smoking, etc.).

Thus, both in a historical retrospective and now, all the symbolic resources of the Old Believer communities are thrown to preserve purity, the threat of which comes from others, from the “worldly”. Everything is used to constantly maintain the border - from radical eschatology to endogamy and "chalice". Here, according to the classification of R. Crammy, the "text community" dominates, which implies the identification of authenticity with strict normativity. However, if you take a closer look, it turns out that the super-task of preservation cannot be fulfilled except through a detailed, inventive system of adaptation, which also includes a repertoire of legitimate means of breaking the norm.

In addition to creating a boundary between “us” and “them”, every society, taking care of its integrity, develops a system of social codes or behavioral programs aimed at maintaining internal balance and developing various types of collective cohesion. The consolidation of members of the Old Believer communities is facilitated by many group ties: these are marriage contacts, and conciliar decisions on dogmatic and everyday issues, and common church holidays, and the veneration of one's own shrines.

In addition, a powerful psychological factor of consolidation, as well as one of the components of the group self-identification of the Old Believers, which makes it possible to draw an unmistakable border along the line “we” - “they”, is the perception by the Old Believers of their community as a collective custodian of sacred book texts. The traditionally important role of literacy was determined by the existence in the Old Believer oral culture of a large number of secondary texts (interpretations of written works), reflecting the mental characteristics of the entire community. The specificity of culture is already manifested at the level of selection of written works included in the processes of communication, based on the search for analogies between the events of sacred history and the history of the Old Believers. Such a comparison of the content of canonical texts and phenomena and events significant for the Old Believers serves them as a way of arguing the truth of their own dogma and contributes to the formation of a positive identity, the strengthening of confessional self-awareness.

Historical memory, as one of the components of group consciousness, also finds expression in oral works from the circle of "small" or "local" history, which also reveal distant and near projections - from legends about legendary ancestors to the history of one's community. As the study showed, the most archaic layers of local oral history, not based on Old Believer literacy, are more preserved among the Finno-Ugric groups (traditions about Chuds, ancestors-first settlers, endowed with the features of cultural heroes, etc.).

Thus, the desire declared by the Old Believers for a complete rejection of innovations and complete isolation inevitably faced the impossibility of their practical implementation, which prompted a constant search for a compromise and new ways to preserve tradition in a changing reality. It was traditionalism that put the Old Believers before the need to choose a more flexible relationship with the outside world, and, paradoxically, stimulated their creative and social activity. In this regard, some regularities can be distinguished.

Firstly, the degrees of declared and real closeness of the Old Believer communities do not always coincide, absolute isolation, both in historical retrospect and now, is rather a subjective idealized characteristic of the group, supported from inside and outside. The direction, intensity of the interactions of the Old Believers with the environment, as well as the level of collective control in this area may vary depending on the context and situation.

Secondly, the Old Believer culture, like any other, is not a rigid structure with a simple and unambiguous correspondence between all components, when the change or loss of one of them leads to its complete destruction. In changing conditions, not all components of the Old Believer culture are preserved, but only those that belong to the sacred sphere. In relation to this area, culturologists use the concept of “cultural core”, understanding it as a set of certain ideas, norms, dogmas accepted by the absolute majority of members of society as the basis of self-affirmation in the world1. Phenomena close to the sacred center turn out to be more conservative than those located in the profane peripheral and more mobile part of the culture. Thus, the Russian folk costume, ousted from everyday life, turned out to be “prayer” clothing, partly retains its traditional features. Proclaimed by the canons, but not observed in ordinary life prohibitions are updated during the performance of rituals, hand-made paschalia that does not find practical application is carefully betrayed from generation to generation, etc.

Thirdly, as ethnographic studies show, the norms declared by the Old Believers themselves do not remain unchanged, but are periodically revised taking into account specific situations. This can be seen in the examples of religious literature (late comments on church rituals) and everyday innovations. The views of the Old Believers on technical inventions evolve from active rejection to active use; eschatological dates are transferred and re-justified; justifications for the introduction of previously unseen items into everyday practice are offered; prohibited products are replaced by others, etc. That is, the set of rules is elastic and promptly responds to external impulses. The search for ways to turn new or foreign cultural phenomena into the norm implies either confirming its compliance with the teachings of the “holy fathers” by referring to an authoritative source, or interpreting it in terms and categories of one’s own culture. In this process, the discipline set by the canon is necessarily observed, but there is also room for free experimentation.

Fourthly, the fulfillment of the basic norms is not practiced by the entire collective, but only by a small part of its members who voluntarily assumed responsibility for the preservation of the tradition and limited external contacts. The transition to this category, which is possible for each member of the community, is made, as a rule, by people who do not participate in various social activities. The differentiation of “cathedral” and “secular” in non-priest communities and the informal division into groups according to the degree of churching in priestly ones allows the creation of legitimate intermediaries, firstly, between the “world” and “true believers”, and secondly, between the religious canon and practice . At the same time, continuity in the transfer of accumulated experience is not interrupted, its translation is ensured.

Thus, the conducted research testifies to the high adaptive abilities of the Old Believers. At the same time, the observed ratio of traditional and new forms always remains such that it allows the Old Believer communities to organically fit into the surrounding context and develop dynamically. In this regard, the mechanism of their self-preservation can be defined as follows - maintaining a balance or an optimal balance between tradition and innovation, between isolation and openness.

1 Bazarova E.L., Bitsadze H.V., Okorokov A.V., Selezneva E.H., Chernosvitov P.Yu. The culture of Russian Pomors: an experience of systematic research. M., 2005. P.327.

List of references for dissertation research Doctor of Historical Sciences Danilko, Elena Sergeevna, 2007

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2. Ageeva E.A., Kobyak N.A., Kruglova T.A., Smilyanskaya E.B. Manuscripts of Verkhokamye XV XX centuries. Catalog from the collection of the historical library of Moscow University named after M.V. Lomonosov. M., 1994.

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4. Aleksandrenkov E.G. "Ethnic Self-Consciousness" or "Ethnic Identity" // EO. 1996. No. 3.

5. Aleksandrov E.V. Creation of a video gallery of the Old Believers: principles, results, problems // The World of the Old Believers. Issue 4. Living Traditions: Results and Perspectives of Comprehensive Studies of the Russian Old Believers. M., 1998. S.123-132.

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Scientific interests:

history and culture of the Old Believers, anthropology of religion, ethnocultural processes in the Ural-Volga region, visual anthropology, urban anthropology

Email mail: [email protected]

In 1996 she graduated from the Department of Archeology of the Faculty of History of the Bashkir State University. From 1996 to 2003 she worked at the Center for Ethnological Research with the Museum of Archeology and Ethnography of the Ufa Scientific Center of the Russian Academy of Sciences. In 2000 she defended her Ph.D. thesis on the topic "Old Believers in the Southern Urals: a historical and ethnographic study." In 2007, she completed her doctoral studies at the Institute of Ethnology and Anthropology of the Russian Academy of Sciences and defended her doctoral dissertation on the topic “Mechanisms of self-preservation of the Russian and Finno-Ugric Old Believer communities of the Ural-Volga region”. Author of more than a hundred scientific publications and about ten visual anthropological films. He is a member of the International Commission for the Study of the Old Believers at the Congress of Slavists.
From 2005 to 2009 she was the Executive Director of the Russian Association of Ethnographers and Anthropologists.
Executive Director of the Moscow International Festival of Visual Anthropology "Intermediary Camera". In 2013 she was a member of the selection committee of the International Festival of Visual Anthropology and Media in Chicago USA (SVA Film & Media Festival in Chicago) and a member of the jury of the Astra International Documentary Film Festival in Sibiu, Romania (Astra Film Festival Sibiu International Festival of Documentary Film).
She worked as an editor-analyst for a cycle of programs about the peoples of Russia “Russia is my love” on the Kultura TV channel, conducts a film lecture hall “The Culture of the Old Believers” at the Andrei Rublev Central Museum of Ancient Russian Culture and Art and a film lecture hall on visual anthropology “Mediator Camera” at the cinema “ Star".

Selected publications:

“Svyatsk, because a holy place…”: a story about a village that has disappeared (to the study of biographical and religious narrative). M.: Indrik, 2012. S. 329-362.

Memories of the Chef // Kuzeev Rail Gumerovich. Scientist. Creator. Citizen. Digest of articles. Ufa: GUP RB UPC, 2012. - P. 138-144.

"The Humble Archbishop Arkady...": Some Pages from the History of the Belovodsk Hierarchy Collection of scientific works and materials. Kyiv-Vinnitsa, 2011. Issue 5. - S. 369-391.
Ethno-confessional minorities of the peoples of the Ural-Volga region / ed. E.A. Yagafova. Samara: PSGA, 2010. 264 p. with color illustration Collective monograph.

Interfaith interactions in the Ural-Volga region: Old Believers among the “foreigners” // Traditional Culture. 2010. No. 3. S. 72-80.
A small provincial town in modern Russia (based on field research in the city of Davlekanovo, Republic of Bashkortostan) // Studies in Applied and Urgent Ethnology. No. 216. M., 2010.
Tatars in ethnically mixed settlements of the Ural-Volga region: features of intercultural interactions // Ethnographic Review. 2010. No. 6. S. 54-65.
The relationship of folklore tradition with adaptation processes in modern Old Believers (on the example of eschatological and utopian legends) // Ethnographic Review. 2007. No. 4.
A closed society in the modern world: problems of self-preservation of the Old Believer communities of the Southern Urals // Religious practices in modern Russia: Collection of articles. M., 2006.
The Old Believers' Tradition and the Changing World // 15 Years after. Program of the 2004 conference of the International Study of Religion in Eastern and Central Europe Association 9-11 December 2004. Pázmány Péter Catolic University. Budapest-Piliscsaba.
Old Believers in the Southern Urals: Essays on History and Traditional Culture. Ufa, 2002. 225 p., illustrations, maps.

Ethnographic films:

“Home oil”, 25 min., 2012 (co-authored with E. Aleksandrov)
"Andrey from Mikhalkino", 25 min., 2010 (co-authored with E. Aleksandrov)
"Seven-Fiery Arrow", 60 min., 2009 (co-authored with E. Alexandrov)
“In the hands of summer”, 45 min., 2005 (co-authored with E. Alexandrov)
"Island of Faith", 13 min., 2005 (co-authored with E. Alexandrov)
"Uchuk", 25 min., 2004
“Kumiss from the Bashkir horse…”, 18 min., 2003

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