Birth of an empire. Old Russian principalities Message on the topic of the Smolensk principality


There is no need for this article to return to the glorious pages ancient history Smolensk region of the 9th-12th centuries, heroic episodes associated with the history of the Northern and Patriotic (1812) wars. These questions have already received sufficient coverage in the historical literature. Its purpose is an attempt to give the most realistic coverage of the events of one of the most interesting periods in the history of the Smolensk region - the period that lasted from the 2nd half of the 13th to the first half of the 16th century.
The interest of the readers of the magazine, apparently, was aroused by N. Chugunkov-Krivich's essay "For the land of my desert" ("Smolensk Territory", Nos. 9-12, 1992), published in the heading " Little known pages history. "I'm afraid that after reading it, the Smolensk people hardly began to understand the events that took place in the Smolensk region in early XVI century. In this, I do not see much fault of the author, who apparently used numerous monographic and popular science publications, based on the point of view of Moscow chroniclers and historians of the 16th-17th centuries, which developed on the events that took place on the territory of White Russia in the 14th-16th centuries. What is the real historical outline of these events?
Undoubtedly, the enlightened reader is aware of the fact that at the end of the 9th-10th centuries of our era on the territory of the Smolensk region "an association of tribes is formed, known from chronicles under the name of Krivichi" (1). In ethnic terms, it was a Slavic-Baltic association with a tendency to gradually assimilate Baltic elements in it. All this somewhat distinguished the Krivichi from other eastern and southern tribal unions. "The character of the attire and jewelry has specific features that are not characteristic of other Slavic population groups that lived further south" (2). Chronicles spoke of the large number of Krivichi: "... even to sit on the top of the Volga, and on the top of the Dvina and on the top of the Dnieper" (3).
On the upper reaches of the Volga, their ethnic identity was disrupted by the influx of other tribes, but along the upper reaches of the Dnieper and Dvina, it basically remained the same. The same chronicles first mention two cities of the Krivichi: Smolensk and Polotsk. Later, Vitebsk, Usvyaty, Kopys, Braslav, Orsha, Minsk are added to them. Based on the research of Belarusian and Russian archaeologists, it was possible to find out that two more Slavic tribal unions were ethnically close to the Krivichi - the Dregovichi and the Radimichi, "in whose culture and language both Slavic and Baltic elements were intertwined" (4). It is easy to see that the territory inhabited by the three above-mentioned tribal unions, for the most part, is part of the present Republic of Belarus and almost completely coincides with the ethnic map of the settlement of Belarusians, compiled on the basis of population censuses of the late XIX - early XX centuries (the tsarist government is difficult to suspect of Belarusianism) . In this area in IX-X centuries three specific principalities were formed: Smolensk, Polotsk, Chernigov, and the Polotsk principality pursued an independent policy towards Kiev for a long time, for which it was repeatedly punished by the Kiev rulers. Due to a difficult coincidence, Smolensk and Chernigov residents were forced to take part in these campaigns against Polotsk. Later, in the XII-XIII centuries, this struggle between the Smolensk and Polotsk principalities was not ethnic (it simply cannot be due to the homogeneity of the ethnic group), but a predominantly regional character. But this is the subject of a special study.
When, at the beginning of the 13th century, the Principality of Polotsk becomes the object of an attack by the Crusaders, none other than the Smolensk people were the first to come to its aid. These events were chronicled in the pages of the "Chronicle of Livonia" by Henry of Latvia (5). In 1222, together again, "... the king of Smolensk, the king of Polotsk ... sent ambassadors to Riga to ask for peace. And peace was renewed, in everything the same as that concluded earlier" (6). In 1229 they renew the treaty with Riga; "the same truth wake up Rusina in Rize and Nemchich in Smolensk volosts and in Polotsk and Vibsk" (7). True, at the same time, Polotsk does not abandon attempts to strengthen its influence in the Western Russian region.
And three years before that, in 1226, the chronicle tells that "Lithuania conquered the Novogorodtskaya volost and did a lot of evil to Novgorod, and near Toropets, and near Smolensk, and up to Poltesk" (8). Undoubtedly, this is the same "Lithuania", which in 1216 was supposed to participate in the united campaign of Vladimir Polotsk against the crusaders. As early as the end of the 12th century, the Lithuanians were used by Polotsk to fight against Smolensk (1180) and in the campaign against Novgorod (1198). "Lithuania" also undertook independent raids on Polotsk and other neighbors, but they were all cruelly suppressed (for example, in 1216 and 1226). As for the raids of "Lithuania" on Smolensk and other lands of Western Russia (1200, 1225, 1229, 1234, 1245, etc.), they "could only be in the interests of Polotsk, which inspired them against neighboring lands and which were carried out through Polotsk land" (9). The fact is that the Principality of Polotsk "more and more fell under the political and economic influence of Smolensk" (10), and in 1222 even the capital of the principality, Polotsk, was captured by the Smolensk princes ("... Smolensk took Polotesk on the 17th day of January" ( 11). The desire of Polotsk to weaken this Smolensk pressure, and perhaps even try to subjugate it, coincided with a certain increase in the military activity of "Lithuania". It is quite possible that the Lithuanians played the role of Polotsk mercenaries to some extent. For such purposes, they were used in their internecine wars and Polish princes (12). In general, the attacks of "Lithuania" were not "part of any plan, the Lithuanians did not set their goal and the annexation of Russian lands. Rather, it looked like raids to capture prisoners and plunder villages. "( 13)
In the late 30s - early 40s of the XIII century, its southeastern neighbor, the Novogorodsk (Novogrudok) principality, whose lands were called "Black Russia", sought to establish relations with eastern Lithuania. By this time, the Novogorodsk land was quite well developed both in agriculture and in handicrafts, and carried on a brisk trade. (14) "In a relatively small area of ​​Novogorodsk land, there were many cities: Novogorodok, Slonim, Volkovysk, Goroden, Zditov, Zelva, Svisloch, etc." (15) This land was not subjected to any serious campaigns of the Mongol-Tatars. Archaeological data speak of wide and diverse ties between the Novogorod region and Polotsk and the Turov-Pinsk land, which marked the beginning of the process of economic and political rapprochement of the Belarusian lands in the middle of the 13th century.
To unite these lands into a single state, it was necessary to resolve the issue with the territory of the Upper Ponemanye, which, according to all archaeological and ethno-toponymic data, should be correlated with ancient "Lithuania", though not all, but only the eastern one ("Litvins"), western Lithuania ("zhmudins") for some time retained a certain independence.
Under the influence of the aggression of the crusaders and in connection with the change in socio-economic relations within the Lithuanian tribes at the beginning of the 13th century, there is a certain tendency towards their unification, which, in turn, as already noted, echoed similar trends in Western Russian lands.
Links "Lithuania" with them were not unambiguous. "There were also armed clashes, quite natural for the era of feudal wars, princely civil strife and the gradual overcoming of feudal fragmentation" (16). The rapprochement of Lithuania with the lands of White Russia was undoubtedly dictated by the potential danger posed by the Mongol-Tatars, who at that time were undertaking quite active expeditions to the territory of Galicia-Volyn Russia.

The Novogorodsk land becomes the center of consolidation, which was facilitated in the second third of the 13th century by the influx of people from other Belarusian regions. However, this role of Novogorodok as a unifying center was not reflected in historical science for a long time. "Even in the 50-70s of our century, when, thanks to archaeological research, an exceptionally high level of economy and culture of ancient Novogorodok and its region, the so-called Black Russia, was revealed, researchers still denied it an independent meaning and; showed it only as an object of conquest by Lithuania, which, in turn, was identified with modern Lithuania, which completely distorted the history of the formation of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. (17) Even V.T. Pashuto, whose book "The Formation of the Lithuanian State" (M., 1959) contributed to the assertion of the thesis about the Lithuanian conquest of Belarus, was not quite sure of the truth of his positions when he noted that "further advances in our science will probably lead to a revision of the presented here are arguments and conclusions. The sooner this happens, the better." (eighteen)
The initial stage of the formation of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania is associated with the name of the Lithuanian prince Mindovg, whose possessions were located on the left bank of the upper Neman, next to the Novgorod lands. According to chronicles, life path Mindovga during the first half of the 13th century is the path of a mercenary prince. In 1219, he undertakes to fight under the leadership of the Galician-Volyn prince with the Poles. (19) He performs the same task in 1237. (20) In 1245, he participates in civil strife on the side of Daniel of Galicia. (21) Unsuccessful participation in the fight against the Teutonic Order in 1246 ended for Mindovg with a major defeat of his lands, which served as the beginning of an inter-princely struggle in the lands of the tribal union headed by Mindovg from 1238. "Expelled from Lithuania, he was forced to flee" with many of his boyars "to neighboring Novogrudok. (22) The Novogorod boyars had long cherished the dream of eliminating political dependence on the Galicia-Volyn principality (with the Principality of Polotsk, of which Novogorod lands were legally part, the boyars was not considered for a long time), reducing the Tatar danger, expanding its influence on neighboring lands. Mindovg came in very handy for solving these problems, in addition, there was a great opportunity to intervene in the internecine struggle of Lithuanian feudal lords in order to neutralize the devastating consequences of their raids on the lands of Black Russia (this confirms the fact that Mindovg came to Novogorodok not as a conqueror, but as a fugitive, beneficial to the local boyars).
Having become a prince of Novgorod and having adopted Orthodoxy (23), Mindovg at the beginning of 1249 expelled her princes Tovtivil, Erdzivil and Vikinta from Lithuania and again became a Lithuanian prince, responding "with hostility ... for divination." Thus, the whole land of Lithuania was "caught". (24)
As you can see, there is no talk of any "expansion of Lithuania" (25) and the conquest of Black Russia mentioned in a number of works on the history of the formation of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. Rather, on the contrary, Black Russia unites with Lithuania (under the patronage of Novogorodok), though not for long.
The son of Mindovg Voyshelk not only managed to frustrate the plans of the Galicia-Volyn principality to annex the territory of Black Russia, restore the Novogorod-Lithuanian state, once created with the help of his father, but also annex the neighboring Baltic lands Devoltva and Nalshany. (26)
Soon, the power of the Novogorodsk-Lithuanian state was voluntarily recognized by Polotsk, which by this time had lost its former power, which allowed the crusaders to take away the Upper Dvina from it, and the Turov-Pinsk land, which by that moment was in the orbit of influence of the Galician-Volyn princes. "The annexation of these two Belarusian lands immediately gave not only a military-political, but also an ethnic preponderance of the Slavic element over the Baltic one." (27)
A higher level of development of Slavic culture compared to Lithuanian led to its dominance in the newly formed state - the Grand Duchy of Lithuania (hereinafter GDL), and the language of White Russia became the state language.
Under Prince Viten, around 1315, the Beresteiskaya (Brest) land was included in the GDL, and later the entire south of modern Belarus.
During the reign of the Grand Dukes Gediminas (1316-1341) and Olgerd (1345-1377), the territory of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania expanded significantly at the expense of the lands of Polotsk, Minsk, Vitebsk, Kiev and Volyn principalities. They stopped the practice of passing inheritances into the hands of sons after the death of fathers. The lands were now transferred to the name of the Grand Duke. In a similar way, the Vitebsk lands passed to Olgerd (he was married to the daughter of the Vitebsk prince Maria).
Thus, there is the formation of the Novogorodsk-Vilna (Gediminas moved the capital to Vilna) center for the unification of the lands of Western (White), Southern Russia and Lithuania and the creation united state- The Grand Duchy of Lithuania and Russia, designed to resist the Tatar and German aggression. Speaking about the formation of the Russian national state in the XIV century, historians "have in mind only the Muscovite state, losing sight of the fact that the principality of Gediminas became more Russian than Lithuanian. The Grand Lithuanian-Russian principality put forward a program to restore the former integrity of Russia, took the path unification of Russian lands" (28). The Slavic nature of the state is also confirmed by the nature of the marriages of the Grand Dukes (Olgerd was twice married to the Vitebsk and Tver princesses, his brother Lubart - to the Vladimir princess, and the sisters were married to the Tver and Moscow princes) and the Old Belarusian language, which was spoken by the inhabitants of the principality, and indeed the great princes themselves. This language was adopted by Lithuanian and Samogitian boyars (Radziwills, Gashtolds, Giedroits, Monvids, etc.). Undoubtedly, we can talk about the process of Slavization of the Lithuanian ethnic environment in the GDL.
Based on this, it must be emphasized that by the middle of the 14th century, not one was created in Eastern Europe, as a number of historians believed and still believe, but two main centers for the unification of the lands of Russia. "Olgerd became a rival to the Moscow princes, and very soon a dangerous enemy." (29)
The Smolensk principality in the 14th century found itself on the watershed of opposing unifying tendencies. To which side did Smolensk gravitate more? Apparently, the Grand Duchy of Lithuania was in a more advantageous position, by which time it had already included the Polotsk-Minsk lands ethnically related to the Smolensk people, united by a common socio-political history of the XI-XIII centuries Chernihiv and Kiev lands, well known to the Smolensk people and for conducting trade affairs (within the above-mentioned territories there were the main trade and transport arteries of the Smolensk region - the Dnieper and the Dvina with their tributaries). Relations with Moscow Rus were less close both in trade, economic and political relations, and "the subsequently famous only road from Smolensk to Vyazma - Mozhaisk (and further to Moscow) arose ... only in the era of the rise of Moscow (XIV century - G. L.)" (30). An important role in its emergence was played by the unifying policy of the Moscow princes, aimed at expanding the territory subject to them at the expense of the lands of White Russia and, in particular, the Smolensk principality as an integral part of them.
During this period, a more numerous pro-Lithuanian and pro-Moscow parties were formed in the Smolensk region. But they did not determine the political face of the principality. A significant advantage over them was the socio-political trend aimed at preserving the independence of the land, which was generally justified in the first half of the 14th century and disastrous for the principality in the changed foreign policy conditions of the second half of the century.

Attempts to annex the Smolensk lands were made both from the Moscow and the Lithuanian-Russian sides. In 1351, the great Moscow prince - Simeon the Proud made such an attempt "to approach Smolensk in strength and greatness, and with him his brothers and all the princes." True, the campaign did not achieve its goal, and Simeon "stood on the Ugra" ... and therefore sent ambassadors to Smolensk, "(31) soon achieving reconciliation with the Smolensk princes.
The actions of the Grand Duke of Lithuania Olgerd were more successful. In 1356, he "fought Bryansk and Smolenesk ... and then began to possess Bryansk" (32). In 1359, “Olgerd Gediminovich came to Smo.lensk, and took the city of Mstislavl, and planted his governors in it. planted." (33)
Under 1363, the Tver Chronicle tells of Andrei Olgerdovich's campaign against Khorvach and Ruden (Rudnya) - the cities of Smolensk land.
There is no clear external orientation in the policy of the Smolensk princes of this period. Its former focus on maintaining the independence of the principality leads to a balancing act between the interests of the Lithuanian-Russian and Muscovite principalities. So in 1370, Smolensk prince Svyatoslav Ivanovich participated in Olgerd's campaign against Moscow, organized to assist the Tver prince Mikhail Alexandrovich, whose sister was married to the Grand Duke of Lithuania. The main idea of ​​the campaign was an attempt to weaken Muscovite Rus and give new impetus to the unifying tendencies of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. "And taking the Grand Duke Svyatoslav Protva and letting all the people of that land go to Smolensk, ... then Olgerd and Svyatoslav took Vereya." Moscow guard regiment, besieged Moscow, but did not take it, and three days later, having plundered the surroundings, they lifted the siege.
But already in 1375, we see Ivan Vasilievich Smolensky participating in a joint campaign organized by the Moscow prince Dmitry Ivanovich, against Mikhail Alexandrovich of Tver, who received a label for a great reign in the Golden Horde. (35) In the same year, the Smolensk people paid for participation in this campaign. "The same summer, the great Lithuanian prince Olgerd Gedimanovich came to Smolensk, saying: why did they go to fight Prince Mikhail of Tver? And so the whole land of Smolensk was taken and captured." (36)
Attempts to conduct an independent policy by the Smolensk princes or: to expand the territory of the principality by returning the lands that once belonged to him, as a rule, ended in failure. In 1386, the Smolensk prince Svyatoslav Ivanovich, having teamed up with the former Polotsk prince Andrei Olgerdovich, who had fled earlier to Moscow, who considered himself undeservedly offended by his father, the Grand Duke of Lithuania Olgerd, (appointed him as his successor younger brother Jagiello) and striving to win the crown of the Grand Duchy, attacked Vitebsk and Orsha. They did not achieve a serious result, despite the extremely cruel measures in relation to the local residents ("they did a lot of evil things to a Christian, like a filthy one, ... they locked them in huts and fired, they poured hot pitch on them, others, having lifted the huts, laid them alive under the walls, and then the vags of otimash and people crushed the walls, other men, wives and children were stuck on a stake"). (37) The crusaders also took advantage of this predatory campaign, devastating the northwestern lands of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, "burning down the outskirts of Lukoml, Drissa and many villages, taking several thousand people into captivity." (38)
Having failed here, Svyatoslav with his sons Gleb and Yuri headed for the city of Mstislavl, which had been included in the GDL back in 1359. "On the way, they caught Lithuanian officials, warriors. These people, together with their families, were subjected to cruel executions." The Smolensk army took Mstislavl under siege. "He got it by regular assaults, digging up the walls, also with battering rams ... and the entire Mstislavsky volost was devastated and burned out, and a lot of Christian blood was shed from his sword" (40). But on the eleventh day, four regiments of warriors of the Lithuanian-Russian principality approached the city, "and between them there was great warfare and slashing evil and falling dead on the river on Vekhra. ". (41) In this battle, Prince Svyatoslav Ivanovich and his cousin Ivan Vasilyevich - the hero of the Battle of Kulikovo.
The Lithuanian princes, having taken a ransom from Smolensk, planted in it the son of Svyatoslav, Yuri, to reign, "and all of Russia, Polotsk, Lukom, Vitebsk, Orsha, Smolensk, Mstislav, calmed these troubles and brought them to obedience to the princedom of Lithuania." (42) the agreement signed by Yuri Svyatoslavich in Vilna, the latter pledged to the Grand Duke of Lithuania Jagiello: 1) "with him for one life"; 2) never oppose the king; 3) "help me the king of cunning, where he needs it", to act with the army at the first request of the king, and in case of illness, send his brother; 4) with whom the king and the great Lithuanian prince are at enmity, with that the Smolensk principality "do not keep peace." (43) In fact, Yuri took the vassal oath to the Grand Duke Jagiello, therefore, the Smolensk land in 1387 becomes part of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. Thus, now all of White Russia (from the 12th century this term meant the Smolensk and Polotsk-Minsk lands) became part of Lithuanian Russia.
In 1392, Vitovt Keystutyevich, a cousin of Jagiello, became the Grand Duke of Lithuania. He "wanted to establish a powerful state that would be completely independent of Poland (this dependence came in 1385, when, under the influence of the aggression of the Teutonic Order, it became necessary to join forces, and a union between the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and Poland was concluded in the Krevo castle, and Jagiello became not only Grand Duke of Lithuania, but also the Polish king) and to be crowned the Lithuanian-Russian King himself" (44).
Vitovt was married to the daughter of the Smolensk prince Anna Svyatoslavovna (the second daughter of Svyatoslav, Uliana, also married the Lithuanian prince Tovtivil), therefore, the Smolensk region was connected with the ON not only by vassal, but also by dynastic ties. The daughter of Vitovt and Anna, Sophia, became the wife of the great Moscow prince Vasily I in 1390. It was not just a dynastic marriage. This was the beginning of a temporary political mutually beneficial alliance between Lithuanian and Muscovite Rus. Vitovt received some support from Moscow to fight the Catholicization of the territory subject to him and significantly increased the chances of becoming a completely independent ruler (the Union of Krevo limited the rights of the Grand Dukes of Lithuania in the field of defense and foreign policy, and also put the Catholic religion in a privileged position). Vasily I untied his hands to further increase the territory of the Moscow principality, in particular at the expense of the Novgorod-Pskov and Ryazan lands.
The position of Vytautas was unenviable, given that throughout the ON during this period there was a struggle between the specific princes, who even used detachments of the crusaders or the Mongol-Tatars to achieve their goals. The prince of Smolensk Yuri also contributed to this "distemper", violating the agreement he signed and again trying to pursue an independent policy, independent of Vilna and Moscow, under the circumstances, relying in achieving his goals on the Ryazan prince Oleg Ivanovich, on whose daughter he was married. Did not change the position significantly. an attempt by Vytautas in 1393 to replace Yuri with his brother Gleb, who belonged to the party of supporters of the Grand Duke. Moreover, in 1396, an internecine struggle broke out between the Smolensk princes Svyatoslavich, in many respects, apparently inspired by Yuri. Upon learning of the approach of Vitovt's troops to Smolensk, Yuri fled to his father-in-law in Ryazan. Vitovt "having come to Smolensk, took the place and the castle voluntarily given to himself" (45), captivated, sent the Smolensk Svyatoslavichs to Lithuania and installed his governors Yakov Yamontovich and Vasily Boreikovich in the city (46). Moscow all this time remained neutral, proceeding from the interests of the Lithuanian-Moscow political union.

In the same 1396, meetings were held in Smolensk between Vitovt and Vasily I. Even 10 miles from the city, Vasily received an honorary escort of 10 thousand people, and Vitovt himself met him a mile from Smolensk. At the entrance of the princes to the city, a cannon salute was given, which lasted about two hours (47). "The result of the visit was the establishment of the boundaries of the Lithuanian-Russian and Moscow principalities. The territory of the White (Smolensk, Polotsk-Minsk lands), Black (Grodno and Brest lands), Lesser (Ukraine) and Chervona (Galicia-Volyn lands) of Russia were recognized as ON, and also part of the territory Great Russia(Bryansk, Oryol lands).

However, the Smolensk prince Yuri Svyatoslavich did not leave the thought of returning the lands once subordinate to him. By the way, it turned out to be a heavy defeat inflicted on the troops of Vitovt by the Golden Horde khans Temir-Kutluy and Edigei on the Vorskla River in 1399 (in this battle, the heroes of the Kulikovo field Andrei and Dmitry Olgerdovichi and Prince Dmitry Mikhailovich Bobrok-Volynsky fell). In his struggle, Yuri found support from Oleg Ryazan. The defeat at Vorskla caused a belated but rather decisive attempt by the latter "to push the boundaries of his influence and claim, if not the leading role in collecting Russian lands, then, in any case, put Ryazan in the first ranks of princes. In 1401, it is possible with full approval of the Horde lords, he started the rejection of Smolensk from Lithuania "(48).
"In the summer of 6909 (1401) ... Great Prince Oleg Ivanovich Rezansky with his son-in-law Yuri Svyatoslavich Smolensky and with his brother ... the army went to Smolensk, conveniently seeing the time later, then Vitoft Kestutyevich was completely impoverished by people from the Temir-Kutluev massacre in the field is clean, ... and then there was great sorrow and emptiness of people in Lithuania" (49). Previously, supporters of Yuri raised a rebellion in the city against the ruler, Prince Roman Mikhailovich of Bryansk. Roman himself was killed, “they let the zhon and the children go wild,” and “the governors of the Vitoltovs and all the boyars of Smolensk, who did not want Prince Yuri, were quietly beaten” (50). Soon the army of the Ryazan and Smolensk princes approached the city, the rebels opened the gates and again received Prince Yuri.
Vytautas made repeated attempts to return the city (1401, 1402, 1403), but failed. After the death of Oleg Ryazansky in 1402, Vitovt's supporters tried to revolt ("there was sedition in the city of Smolensk then, there were a lot of people" (51), but it did not bring the desired result either. Only relying on the strength of the Polish king Jagiello and while maintaining neutrality on the part Moscow Vitovt managed to return Smolensk in 1404. "Vitovt ... all the wine ... beat up to three thousand, and, anyhow, there were no more riots in Smolensk, he turned from the princedom into the province" (52).
Thus was closed the last page in the history of the Smolensk principality. The influence of one of the major centers of feudal separatism and resistance to the centralizing Belarusian-Lithuanian state was significantly weakened.
The entry of the Smolensk lands into the GDL did not lead to any serious changes in their social and economic life. "A number of lands (Vitebsk, Polotsk, Kyiv and Smolensk) retained autonomy, and their political rights were recorded in the regional privileges issued by the Grand Dukes and repeatedly confirmed (charter zemstvo charters), which guaranteed the privileges of the local boyars and partly the townspeople, the inviolability of a number of local laws, customs , traditional forms of management" (53). In the Smolensk region, old cultural traditions were preserved. There were no language, legal or office barriers either, since the state language of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, as already mentioned, was the Old Belarusian language (close to Old Russian), and the legislation was based on legal norms recorded in Russkaya Pravda.
Smolensk landowners became an integral part of the class of feudal lords of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, retaining the privileges of antiquity "with certain restrictions ... financial, military, foreign trade and foreign policy functions in favor of the new Lithuanian supreme overlord" (54). Changes in their composition were insignificant, Smolensk-Polotsk-Minsk surnames professing Orthodoxy prevailed. "Under these conditions, there could be no question of any kind of national and religious oppression" (55).
The economic situation of the Smolensk region in the first half of the 15th century was extremely difficult due to the devastating wars of the late 14th-early 15th century, in which "many many people" and the result of which were "the authorities (volosts - G. L.) near Smolensk are empty" ( 56).
The devastating effect on the economy was also natural disasters. These are the drought and famine of 1383-1384, the terrible plagues of 1387 and 1401, the horrific famine of 1434, during which "in the city of Smolensk, in the settlement and along the streets, people ... ate people; ... brother killed his own brother, and pestilence was strong, about such fear old people cannot remember" (57). All this caused a decrease and outflow of the population, which adversely affected the economy of the region.
In the second half of the 15th century, the situation changed for the better due to the cessation of mass hostilities and the encouragement by the GDL government of the resettlement of the population from other regions to the Smolensk region. So, for example, in 1497, the Bishop of Smolensk received permission from the Grand Duke Alexander to receive immigrants from other places (58). There was a gradual restoration of the economy of depopulated territories and the development and settlement of new lands. Contacts with other regions of Belarus were expanding, "prerequisites were created for the formation of a broad internal market. The Dvina and upper Dnieper regions with Polotsk, Vitebsk and Smolensk constituted one economic region" (59). They maintained close economic ties with Minsk and the Middle Dnieper, which ultimately contributed to the intensification of the process of consolidation of the Belarusian nationality on the territory of these regions. "The main in the ethnogenesis of the Belarusian people were the East Slavic tribes - ... Krivichi, Dregovichi and Radimichi ... Thus, the main territory of the formation of the Belarusian people covered the basin of the rivers of the Western Dvina, Neman, Pripyat and Upper Dnieper" (60).
The Orthodox clergy of the Smolensk region, as well as the whole of Belarus, still performed their moral and ideological functions, their authority was supported and used by the great Lithuanian-Russian princes and the largest feudal lords of the state. The lands of the Orthodox clergy continued to enjoy the right of inviolability. However, already separate events of the beginning of the 15th century lay the foundation for the future religious and political struggle between Orthodoxy and Catholicism on the territory of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania.
In 1413, a Sejm was held in Horodla, at which the GDL and Poland signed agreements that expanded the rights and privileges of the Lithuanian-Russian feudal lords in Poland, but not all, but only those who converted to Catholicism, Catholic institutions also received some benefits on the territory of the GDL. The boyars of Lithuania proper and Zhmud, who for the most part adopted the Catholic faith at the end of the 14th - beginning of the 15th centuries, were placed by the Union of Horodel in more favorable conditions than the Belarusians, who at that time adhered to the traditional Orthodox faith. For this reason, two hostile parties formed in the Lithuanian-Russian state - the Catholic and the Orthodox. The Horodel agreements were actively supported by Poland, which saw in them, firstly, a legal basis for the gradual subjugation of the territory of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and, secondly, an excellent opportunity to moderate the ambitions of the Grand Duke of Lithuania Vitovt, who had long hatched, as mentioned above, plans for the transformation of the Lithuanian-Russian states into an independent independent kingdom.

One of the agreements stated: "Schismatics and other infidels (non-Catholics) may not hold any higher positions in the state of Lithuania" (61). This and other similar articles marked the beginning of a split among the Belarusian feudal lords. Some of them began to convert to the Catholic faith for the sake of those privileges and posts that the Roman faith opened before them. The Catholic feudal lords, thus, became supporters of Poland and everything Polish, while the Orthodox boyars stood on the side of the Belarusian national interests. The religious split marked the beginning of the state split, the weakening of centralization tendencies in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, which would result in the annexation of the western and central regions of the Principality in the 16th century to Poland, and the eastern regions (Western Smolensk and Bryansk regions) to Moscow Russia. But all this will happen already under the successors of Vitovt, but for now he is taking another step in terms of preparing for the creation of the Lithuanian-Russian kingdom. In 1415, in Novogrudok, Vitovt convened a council of the Belarusian and South Russian clergy, which laid the foundation for the existence of an independent Orthodox Church of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, independent of the Moscow Metropolis. Its first head (metropolitan) was Gregory Tsymvlak. Kyiv was considered the center of the Lithuanian-Russian metropolis, in fact, the church lords were most often located in Vilna. In Vitovt's letter on this occasion, it was written: "We, hotsyachi, so that your faith does not diminish, nor perish, and your churches would be in order, we did this to the metropolitan, with a selection, to the Kiev metropolis, so that the Russian honor of usa would melt on the Russian land" ( 62).
In 1426 in Liegnitz, and then in 1427 in Gorodnya (Grodno), the Polish Sejms, who were concerned about the aspirations of Vytautas, gathered. The latter, realizing that it was necessary to hurry, enlisting the support of the Holy Roman Emperor Sigismund, who was being pressed by the Turks and the Hussites, decided in 1429 to be crowned on the Lithuanian-Russian throne. But neither this nor next year did the crown sent by Sigismund, thanks to the "efforts" of Poland and, in particular, the bishop of Krakow Zbigniew Olesnitsky, never reach Vitovt. Vytautas, already sick, could not bear this failure and died on November 27, 1430.
The death of Vitovt served as an impetus for a new rise in the anti-centralization trend in the Principality, for a new strengthening of the power of the largest feudal lords in the field, for a new war, first between representatives of the grand ducal house Skirgail and Svidrigail, and then between Svidrigail and Zhigimont, which was based on religious and political contradictions.
Representatives of the Orthodox Party, to which belonged members of such well-known princely families in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania as Sangushki, Sapegi, Olelkovichi, Ostrozhsky, Vishnevetsky and others, fearing that the Catholic party would try to take over, offered Svidrigailo, their supporter, to the Grand Duke's throne. Soon Svidrigailo became the Grand Duke. His orientation towards the continuation of Vitovt's policy aimed at the complete independence of the GDL, the growth of political influence in the state of Orthodox Belarusian and South Russian feudal lords immediately provoked resistance from the Lithuanian-Catholic magnates ( big feudal lords) supported by Poland. Everything went to war. It didn't take long to find an excuse. Having a rather "stubborn and restless" character, Svidrigailo publicly insulted the Polish ambassador in 1431, and then threw him into prison. In response to this, King Jagiello began hostilities. "The war was replete with cruelty, reprisals against civilians and the clergy: Catholics beat Orthodox priests, Orthodox vented their anger on Catholic priests" (63). But the Polish king did not achieve the desired advantage over Svidrigail. And after the defeat near Lutsk, Jagiello preferred to conclude a truce, deciding to deal with Svidrigail with the hands of the Lithuanian-Russian grand ducal house in the person of Zhigimont Keistutovich, Vitovt's brother. To this end, Zhigimont was sent to Starodub, where he then reigned, from Poland with the offer of a grand prince's crown (64). Zhigimont agreed. In 1432, he suddenly attacked Svidrigailo and expelled him from Lithuania, becoming the Grand Duke (Zhigimont I). Svidrigailo fled to Polotsk, former part the territory of the Eastern Belarusian lands still subject to him, where he immediately began to gather forces for a retaliatory strike. In the same year, he "looked great help from his father-in-law, Prince Boris of Tver, also from the Polotsk, Smolyan, Kiyan and Volyn troops, 50,000, pulled to Lithuania." At Oshmyany there was a battle with the army of Zhigimont I, where "the Zhigimont side of Shvidrigailov's army stopped, ... and Shvidrigailo's horse, changing in a small squad, barely flowed to Kyiv" (65).
In 1433-1435, Svidrigailo repeatedly "fought" the territory of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, without encountering serious resistance. In order to narrow the base of the uprising, Jagiello and Zhigimont issued privileges (legislative act - G.L.) of 1432, according to which the personal and property rights of Orthodox feudal lords were expanded. They, like the Catholics, "were guaranteed the inviolable possession of paternal and granted estates and the right to freely dispose of them ..., were given the same benefits ... in terms of the administration of state duties", were given the right to join the Polish-Lithuanian coat of arms brotherhoods. In the privilege, the goal pursued by it was also clearly indicated: "so that in the future there would be no ... separation or any kind of inequality, which could be detrimental to the state" (66). This played an important role in the defeat of Svidrigailo in 1435 near Vilkomir. In 1437 Zhigimont captured Polotsk and Vitebsk. The influence of Svidrigailo and his supporters still remained in the Smolensk region and Ukraine.
The pro-Catholic policy of Zhigimont I and his attempt to get out of the catastrophic consequences of the famine of 1438 in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania by increasing the exactions from the local Orthodox population (including the feudal lords) led to the organization of a conspiracy against him by supporters of the Orthodox party - Prince I. Chartoryzhsky and voivode Dovgird and Lelus. "The princesses came to the nobles ... they beat him to rest in Troki" (67). It happened in 1440.
Upon learning of what had happened, Svidrigailo returned to Lithuania from Wallachia, which served him as a refuge. Soon, with the help of Poland, which supported separatism in the GDL, based on its own goals for the subsequent polonization of the Lithuanian-Russian lands, he established his power in Volhynia. The “Russian princes”, his supporters, once captured by Zhigimont, were released from captivity. The son of Zhigimont I Mikhail, the notorious Svidrigailo (apparently relied on the support of some of the Smolensk and Polotsk feudal lords), Olelko Vladimirovich, the prince of Kyiv, the grandson of Olgerd, and the Polish prince Casimir, the son of Jagiello, claimed the grand ducal title. "The Rada of Lithuania ... took Kazimer the prince from the Poles to the great reign of Lithuania and planted him with honor on the solitary city in Vilna and throughout the Russian land" (68).
Casimir had to wage a rather lengthy struggle for his recognition as Grand Duke. " Polish king also did not confirm him in this dignity, and the Poles, dissatisfied with the turn of affairs, showed their readiness to support Casimir's rivals in order to split the Grand Duchy and the easier then to bring it into complete dependence on the Polish crown "(69).
Of particular danger to the minor grand duke (he was only 13 years old at that time) were attempts to seize the grand ducal crown by Mikhail Zhigimontovich, who relied, first, on the support of the princes of Mazovia, and then the princes of Volozhinsky (70), and the uprising of 1440 in Smolensk. Mikhail's activity was neutralized by the actions of the GDL troops under the leadership of the head of the Rada of the Grand Duchy, Jan Gashtold (71), with Smolensk it was more difficult.

The aforementioned Jan Gashtold, being the Smolensk governor, even during the life of Zhigimont, went to Troki for a meeting of the Sejm, leaving the Smolensk governor Andrei Sakovich in his place. Soon the news came about the murder of Zhigimont, and Sakovich, without waiting for the decision of the glad to elect a new grand duke, “then bring Smolnyan to the kiss, well, the princes of Lithuania, and the pans of the whole Lithuanian land, whom to plant on Vilnius on the Grand Duchess and you will not be separated from the Lithuanian land "(72). Bishop Simeon of Smolensk "both princes and boyars, and mestichies and black people" gave the required oath. However, a party intensified its activities in the city, which advocated "originality" and the restoration of the Smolensk reign, relying on the support of large Orthodox Eastern Belarusian feudal lords, who were infringed in their political rights by the Gorodelsky privilege, who tried, like, for example, Mstislavl Prince Yuri Lugvenevich, "to achieve de facto independence from Vilna" (73), i.e., to do what Svidrigailo could not do in his time. The situation was very favorable for their activities. Having launched an agitation among the artisans of Smolensk (the so-called "black people"), who were badly affected by fires and epidemics of the 30s of the 15th century, who with great difficulty coped with the growth of taxes in favor of the Grand Duke of Lithuania, who, apparently, also gathered with a variety of all sorts of abuses, they associated the improvement in the position of these urban strata with the restoration of the independent Smolensk principality. Taking advantage of the absence of some of the most influential pro-Lithuanian princes and boyars, who went to Vilna for a meeting of the GDL Rada (and only Catholic magnates could participate in the election of the Grand Duke at that time), "by great days during Passion Week on the Wednesday of the crazy Smolny black people .. Drive Pan Andrei out of the city by force, and kissing was stopped" (74). Putting on armor, armed with bows, scythes and axes, they raised an uprising. Andrei Sakovich turned for advice to the boyars, who were on the side of the Lithuanian-Russian principality. The latter advised him to arm their nobles, and, having taken up arms themselves, gave battle to the rebels at the church of Boris and Gleb. In this battle, victory was on the side of the governor and law-abiding boyars. But, realizing that this success was only temporary, and seeing that the defeat not only did not pacify the rebels, but, on the contrary, even more increased their ranks, "that night Pan Andrei left the city with his wife and the boyars of Smolensk with him," instructing Smolensk Marshal Petryka. The rebels seized Petryka and drowned him in the Dnieper "and planted the voivode ... Prince Andrei Dmitrievich Dorogobuzhsky" (75). But Prince Dorogobuzh did not have sufficient authority among the Orthodox Eastern Belarusian feudal lords, and the rebels, taking advantage of the return of Olgerd's grandson Prince Yuri Lugvenevich of his fatherland - Mstislavl, invited him "to his ospadrem". Having imprisoned the pro-Lithuanian princes and boyars of Smolensk, Yuri handed over their estates to the independent boyars.
Upon learning of what had happened, the newly elected Grand Duke Casimir sent to Smolensk strong army. "Prince Yuria Lykvenevich, before they arrived at Smolensk, being afraid of them, went to Moscow" (76).
The Grand Duke's army approached Smolensk in the fall on Filippov's launches, "and stood under the city for three weeks, burned out the settlements and churches, and took the city" (77). Yuri Lugvenevich soon made peace with Kazimir and again received the Mstislavl inheritance "through the mediation of his friend Jan Gashtold, with whom he had previously baptized children" (78).
Thus, another attempt to restore the independence of the Smolensk principality ended in failure. "In the course of this speech, the local boyars (its majority - G.L.) took the side of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania" (79), which largely predetermined the defeat of the rebels.
In the 30-40s of the XV century, in the context of the rise of separatist sentiments of the Orthodox nobility of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, there was an intensification of the foreign policy activity of Muscovite Rus on its western borders, especially since to a certain extent these actions were prompted by the East Belarusian feudal lords themselves, often using the military and political forces of Moscow in their struggle for independence.
The conquest of the East Belarusian lands also met the interests of Moscow itself. From Smolensk through Vitebsk and Polotsk there was a waterway along the Western Dvina, connecting Western Russia with Europe. Vyazma, Smolensk and Orsha were the most important cities on the trade route from Moscow to Poland that arose at the end of the 14th century. In addition, the so-called "Vyazma road" (along the tributaries of the Ugra, Ugra and Seim) went from Vyazma, along which "both Tverites and Muscovites could quite quickly and easily get to Kyiv, and then to the Crimea, Constantinople" (80) . A similar road went through Smolensk and further along the Dnieper. The entire territory of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, in particular - "its eastern part, that is, the Belarusian lands, were cut by a dense network of Russian trade roads" (81).
The Moscow government was not long in coming. In 1442, the great Moscow prince Vasily II "gathered a great army, having called on the Kazan tsar to help him, dragged under Vyazma ... Buryachs and palyachis of the suburban volosts" (82). The army assembled by Kazimir from the lands of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and mercenary Poles, led by the Belarusian magnate Stanislav Kishka, moved towards the Muscovites (Kazimir himself remained in Smolensk). However, Vasily II had already managed to withdraw his army from the territory of the Grand Duchy. Hetman Kishka caught up with him already within the boundaries of Moscow volosts: and, using the tactics of luring a superior enemy, he utterly defeated the Muscovites, driving them "for two miles, whipping, slashing, prickly, imayuchi" (83). And already in August 1449, an agreement was concluded between Casimir and Vasily II, according to which the latter promised "in the fiefdom, brother, with your and my brothers. Young, in all your great reign, neither near Smolensk, nor in all Smolensk places ... do not enter" (84).
The second half of the 15th century was marked for the GDL by changes in the internal and external political situation. Although Casimir was notable for his "fair and reasonable" domestic policy, "soberly assessed the situation in the state and strove not to violate the rights and customs of the majority of his subjects," however, the propaganda of the church union between the Orthodox and Catholics, which began in the late 50s, had an objective the goal of strengthening the state by ending interfaith strife, in fact gave a new impetus to the struggle between the Catholic and Orthodox parties. Added fuel to the fire of this struggle and "the prohibition by Kazimir Yagailovich in 1481 to build and repair Orthodox churches in Vilna and Vitebsk" (85). All this significantly weakened the Grand Duchy from the inside.
External relations were also difficult. The election of Zhigimont, and then Casimir, to the Lithuanian-Russian throne actually destroyed the union between the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and Poland (one of its mandatory conditions was the presence of one monarch). The negotiations on the renewal of the union revealed a complete divergence of interests on both sides (Poland wanted to include the ON in its composition as one of its constituent parts, the Principality sought to maintain its political independence). Things got to the point that the ON began to threaten Poland with war! The situation was corrected to some extent only by the election of Casimir to the Polish throne (1447).
A strong and dangerous enemy appears on the southern borders of the Principality - the Crimean Khanate. "Podillya, Volyn, Kiev region, Novgorod-Seversky lands were the first to be hit by the Tatars." These raids also had a political background: in 1480, an agreement was concluded between the Grand Duke of Moscow Ivan III and the Crimean Khan Mengli Giray on joint actions against the Lithuanian-Russian state. The most devastating was the campaign of 1482, as a result of which the Krymchaks captured Kyiv, burned, and plundered the Caves Monastery and the shrine of Ancient Russia - St. Sophia Cathedral, transferring part of the loot to the initiator of the campaign, Ivan III (86).

And yet, the events on the eastern borders of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania caused the greatest alarm, where the confrontation with Moscow was growing more and more. By joining the Ryazan, Tver, Pskov and Novgorod lands, the young Moscow power came close to the eastern borders of the Principality. Feeling his strength, the Grand Duke of Moscow Ivan III (1462-1505) "declared that both Kyiv and Smolensk also belong to him by his" fatherland "(87), although in reality the dynastic and genealogical canons of succession to the throne say the opposite. For example, Smolensk the princely line of the Rostislavichs comes "from the senior line of Vladimir Monomakh, and the Moscow princes - from the younger" (88), therefore, the Smolensk lands could not be the "patrimony" of the Moscow princes. III finally asserted his rights to the lands of White and Little Russia. But the mentioned lands were part of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, Casimir was considered not only the Grand Duke of Lithuania, but also Russian. Therefore, "proclaiming himself the Grand Duke of" All Russia ", Ivan III, as it were, declared his claims for supreme dominance over all Russian lands, including those that were part of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. The inevitability of a collision with Lithuania was obvious" (89).
A long-term war began, turning most of the Belarusian lands into a semi-desert. "Peaceful peasants, robbed and burned, left their homes and fled to the southern steppes. The fields were overgrown with forest, culture was dying out." During the period of the Muscovite-Lithuanian wars, White Russia "came to the same devastation as eastern and southern Russia during the period of Tatar rule" (90).
The 1480s are characterized mainly by small and short-term mutual attacks. "On a broad front from Velikiye Luki to Kaluga, year after year, the border war, villages burned, people were taken captive "(91). During this period, the Vyazma lands mainly suffered. So, only in 1487-1488, the possessions of the Vyazma princes were repeatedly attacked by the prince of Uglitsky Andrei Vasilyevich and the prince of Tver Ivan Ivanovich, brother and son of Ivan III (92).
Between Vilna and Moscow there was a lively exchange of embassies, letters were sent with mutual complaints, reproaches, claims and threats. And in 1490, Ivan III directly declared to the GDL ambassador Stanislav Petrashkovich: "Great falsehoods are being made for us from the king: our cities and volosts and our lands are kept by the king" (93).
The Moscow ruler closely followed the events in the Principality, preparing for decisive action. And the war broke out immediately, as soon as Ivan III found out about the death of the king and Grand Duke Casimir (June 1492). The departure from the scene of an experienced political figure and the break in the union of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania with Poland, which developed as a result of the election of Alexander Kazimirovich to the Lithuanian "throne, and his brother Jan to the Polish throne, created favorable conditions for the outbreak of hostilities.
In August 1492, Moscow undertook the first major campaign against the eastern lands of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. In the southwest, Meshchersk, Lyubchesk, Mezetsk, Serpeisk were captured. In the western (Vyazma) direction, the main forces operated under the leadership of Prince D. V. Schenya. At the beginning of 1493, Vyazma was captured, and Prince Mikhail Vyazemsky was taken prisoner, where he died (94). The successes of the Moscow troops were so great that "Alexander expected their further advance into the depths of the Principality of Lithuania and ordered Yuri Glebovich (the Smolensk governor - G. L.) to prepare Smolensk for defense" (95). However, the Grand Duke of Lithuania was not ready for a big war, and his brother Jan, King of Poland, actually refused to help Alexander. Alexander Kazimirovich began peace negotiations. In this he was supported by the noble Moscow boyars, princes S. I. Ryapolovsky and V. I. Patrikeev, who belonged to the party that advocated peaceful relations with the ON.
On February 5, 1494, peace was concluded. Vyazemsky lands remained with Moscow. The eastern border of the GDL has changed significantly. Two bridgeheads were created for the further offensive of the troops of Ivan III: one was aimed at Smolensk, and the other was wedged into the thickness of the Seversk lands. This peace could not be durable because of its compromise nature.
The end of the 1590s in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania was marked by signs of the growing influence of the Catholic Party. It was associated with the activities of Bishop Joseph of Smolensk, a supporter of the union of the Catholic and Orthodox churches and the submission of the latter to the Pope. In 1498 Joseph became the Metropolitan of Kiev.
The strengthening of the influence of the supporters of the union provoked a response from the most resolute supporters of the leading role of Orthodoxy in the Lithuanian-Russian state. This was expressed in the transition of some of the princes to the service of Ivan III (for example, Prince S.I. Velsky, together with the "fatherland" at the end of 1499), as well as attempts to take over by force the supporters of the union. Particularly dangerous for the Principality was "a great jam between Latin and between ... Christianity ... on the Orthodox faith" in May 1499 in Smolensk (96). Such performances significantly weakened the defense capability of the eastern borders of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, which Ivan III did not fail to take advantage of.
In the spring of 1500, he successfully negotiated with the Starodub and Novgorod-Seversky princes and concluded an agreement on their transfer to his service. In April, war was declared on the Grand Duchy, and already in May of the same year, Moscow troops led by Yakov Zakharyich took Bryansk (97). Grand Duke Alexander tried to write to his father-in-law (he was married to the daughter of Ivan III, Elena), that "the Belarusian-Lithuanian state was not guilty of anything before Moscow, asked not to shed more Christian blood, noting that the responsibility for everything rests with Ivan III - the violator of the oath" (98). However, this had no effect on the Moscow prince. The struggle unfolded along the entire length of the eastern border of the GDL. But the main forces of Ivan III were still concentrated in the Smolensk direction, headed by the governor Yuri Zakharyich. Soon they took Dorogobuzh (99), thus reaching the approaches to Smolensk, to which there were two transitions. Smolensk was a key fortress on the way to the capital of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania - Vilna. From the north, Smolensk was threatened by troops led by A.F. Chelyadnin, who stood at Velikiye Luki.
In this situation, Alexander Kazimirovich decided to concentrate his main forces in the Smolensk region and defeat the regiments of Yuri Zakharyich. The organization of the rebuff to the Muscovites was entrusted to the great hetman Konstantin Ostrozhsky, who, having gathered about 3.5 thousand soldiers on mobilization, moved through Minsk to Smolensk. After passing about 400 kilometers, at the end of June he entered Smolensk. Having learned that the Muscovite army was standing near the river Vedrosha (Dorogobuzh volost) "with a very small number of people", the hetman "took with him the governor of the Smolensk Kishka and all the Smolensk knighthood" and moved to Yelna (100). Here he caught the "language", which reported that the army of Yuri Zakharyich was replenished with soldiers who arrived from Starodub and Tver, and the general command passed to the voivode Daniil Schene. Thus, the number of Moscow rati was about 40 thousand people. Almost 10-fold superiority in forces!
After conferring, the hetman decided: "There will be few or many Muscovites, but only by taking God to help fight them, and not having fought - do not return back" (101).
Using the factor of surprise, the Lithuanian-Russian regiments turned off the road and went through the forest and swamps. On July 14, 1500, they reached the Mitkovo Field near the Vedrosha River, where the battle took place. At first, the battle was successful for K. Ostrozhsky. His troops defeated the advance detachment of the Muscovites and reached the Trosna River, where the opponents “stayed for many” days on opposite sides of it. (as the residents of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania were called in Muscovy) into the depths of the location directly under the blow of an ambush regiment. Unable to withstand the onslaught, the Lithuanian-Russian army hastily retreated. At the Polma River, the Muscovites "hit them utterly" and captured the hetman and a number of noble princes and boyars (in total about 500 people) (102).Some of the best warriors of the Principality died in the battle.This was the first significant victory in battle for the troops of Moscow over the troops of the Grand Duchy.

The defeat at Vedrosha significantly worsened the already difficult situation of Alexander, whose lands all this time were subjected to fierce raids by the Crimean hordes - allies of Ivan III (only in: 1500 two such campaigns were made). Meanwhile, the Moscow sovereign was hatching plans for a winter campaign against Smolensk in 1500-1501 .. Only a harsh winter did not allow Ivan III to carry out his plan ("there was a lot of snow and horse stern ... not enough" (103)).
But Smolensk became the main target of hostilities in the spring of 1501. The city was defended "partly by the courage of the inhabitants, partly by cunning." Countless assaults in some places destroyed the wooden walls of the Smolensk fortress. Then the governor Yuri Glebovich began negotiations with the Muscovites, Fr. surrender of the city and asked for a night of reflection. “The Moscow governors granted his request on the condition that the sound of an ax was not heard in the city all night. The Smolyans kept their word, but even without an ax, they straightened the walls overnight with just saws” (104). Realizing that the city could not be taken, the Muscovites lifted the siege and went to Mstislavl, where they were also repulsed by the Lithuanian-Russian regiments under the command of I. Solomeretsky.
In the autumn of 1501, the troops of Ivan III again unsuccessfully tried to take Mstislavl, however, causing great damage to the Litvins (about 7 thousand killed) and "the land was empty" (105).
July 14, 1502 Ivan III again sends troops led by his son Dmitry Zhilka to Smolensk. The siege of it and now did not give any result, "because it is strong." In addition, many "children of the boyars", having arbitrarily left the regiments, were engaged in robbery in the surrounding volosts (106). The campaign ended with the ruin of the Vitebsk and Polotsk lands and the capture of Orsha. "Alexander sent to Smolensk the headman of Samogitian Stanislav Yanovsky" with all the power of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania "and foreign mercenaries" (107). Taking Orsha in October and "crossing the Dnieper", it ended up two crossings from Smolensk. Upon learning of this, Dmitry lifted the siege.
Meanwhile, the Grand Duchy of Lithuania signed a new union with Poland on difficult terms (“John III ... drove Lithuania and Belarus into the hands of Poland” (108)), entered into an alliance with the Teutonic Order and the Great Horde, forcing Moscow to negotiate. At the end of March 1503, a truce was concluded for a period of 6 years. The territory of the central Smolensk region with the city of Dorogobuzh went to Moscow.
But already in 1506, the regiments of the new Grand Duke of Moscow Vasily III (1505-1533) broke into the territory of the GDL in two columns (one from the Velikiye Luki region, the other from Dorogobuzh) and began to devastate the eastern lands up to the Berezina. The new Lithuanian Grand Duke Zhigimont II Stary (1506-1544) "ordered Stanislav Glebovich to firmly defend Polotsk, Albrecht Gashtold to Smolensk, and the great hetman Stanislav Kishka to move to Minsk" (109). However, soon (May 1507) Moscow troops left the Principality.
In the autumn of the same year, the Muscovites, under the leadership of Y. Zakharin and V. Kholmsky, attacked Mstislavl, Mogilev and Orsha, but, having met a decisive rebuff, turned back. Unexpectedly, in the Belarusian-Lithuanian lands, Moscow had an ally - the noble nobleman of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania Mikhail Glinsky. Under the Grand Duke Alexander, he enjoyed his special confidence and held important government posts. After the death of Alexander, an old enemy of M. Glinsky, the Troksky governor Jan Zaberezinsky, accused him before Zhigimont II of trying to take the throne of the Grand Duke. The offended Glinsky asked Zhigimont to investigate this and punish the liar, but the trial was still being postponed. Then M. Glinsky decided to punish Ya. Zaberezinsky on his own. Having gathered an army of 700 horsemen, the prince began hunting for the governor and, having found the latter on February 2, 1508, in the Grodno castle, beheaded him (110). Indignant, Zhigimont decided to punish Glinsky for arbitrariness, but the prince began to send sheets around the Grand Duchy with an invitation to all dissatisfied members of the nobility to join him. Taking advantage of this, Moscow offered M. Glinsky to go over to her side, promising a significant increase in his possessions. Mikhail accepted the offer, which provoked a new war between the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and Muscovy. Mozyr was captured by joint efforts, Smolensk was besieged, and then Minsk, Slutsk and Polotsk. But the approaching 30,000-strong army led by the great hetman K. Ostrozhsky (who had escaped from captivity back in 1507) forced the soldiers of Vasily III and M. Glinsky to retreat first "to Orsha, and from Orsha to Smolensk", and then completely leave the borders ON (111). On October 8, 1508, an "eternal peace" was concluded between the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and Moscow. According to this agreement, the Principality recognized the Vyazma and Dorogobuzh lands for Moscow, and Vasily III took upon himself the obligation "not to intervene" in the "city of Mstislavl with volosts, in the city of Krichov with volosts, in the city of Smolensk and in volosts, in Roslavl, ... in Elna, ... in Porechye, ... in Verzhavsk, ... Shchuchya "(112).
But this world, too, was fragile. In January 1512, Vasily III again undertook a campaign against the lands of the Principality. Only Smolensk has become the main goal now. But this time, "having done a lot of grief and losses to the city of Smolensk," Vasily was forced to return to Moscow with nothing.
In the summer of 1512, the correspondence of the Moscow Grand Duke with the Teutonic Order was intercepted, from which it became known that Moscow was preparing a new war with the Grand Duchy of Lithuania (the Order became a good ally for these purposes). Already on July 14, the second campaign against Smolensk began. By autumn, the Moscow regiments under the command of I. Repnin-Obolensky and I. Chelyadnin laid siege to Smolensk. "The governor and governor of Smolensk pan Yury Glebovich, and the princes and boyars of Smolensk ... against the Grand Duke, the governor went out of town for the ramparts to fight" (113). But military fate did not smile at the Smolensk people in this battle, they had to lock themselves in the city and endure a six-week siege. "The artillery shelling of the city did not produce results. Soon an attempt was made to take it by storm. The Russian (Moscow Rus - G. L.) army suffered heavy losses (about 2 thousand soldiers - G. L.), but the city ... was not taken "(114). Soon the Moscow sovereign withdrew the troops.
In the summer of 1513, a new offensive campaign began with the assistance of "detachments of infantry, guns" and several Italians "experienced in the siege of fortresses" sent by the Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire Maximilian I and a detachment of reiters hired by M. Glinsky in Silesia and the Czech Republic .. The Smolensk governor defeated the army I. Repnin, but the city again fell under siege at the same time about 80 thousand people. In September, Vasily III himself arrived near Smolensk and "in the hail of cannons and squeakers he commanded to beat for many days ... and many places near the city ... smashed, and inflicted great sorrows on the people of Smolensk." But the Smolensk people bravely fought back and steadfastly endured all the hardships of the siege. "The city had the hardness of the rapids of the mountains and. High hills closed and fortified with walls" (115). And again, in November, Vasily was forced to lift an inconclusive siege, recalling the troops of M. Glinsky from near Vitebsk and Polotsk, "which captured full darkness, but did not take a single city" (116).
In February 1514, a decision was made in Moscow on a new, third campaign against Smolensk. Against the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and the Kingdom of Poland, a new coalition of seven states was created: Moscow, the Holy Roman Empire, Denmark, Brandenburg, Teutonic Order, Saxony and Wallachia. Then they agreed on the division of future occupied territories: Vasily III receives Belarusian and Ukrainian lands, and Maximilian - Polish.
An army of eighty thousand approached Smolensk in July 1514 and began shelling the city with 300 cannons. "From the cannon and squealing knock and human screaming and screaming, ... the earth oscillates and does not see each other, and all the hail in flames and smoking smoke seems to rise up to him" (117). And on July 31, wanting to save the city and the lives of its defenders, the Smolensk people decided to capitulate on favorable terms. Mstislavl, Krichev and Dubrovno soon fell.
The main forces of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania were just approaching Orsha. The commander of the army, the great hetman K. Ostrozhsky, decided to give a general battle to the Moscow forces. The further fate of the Principality depended on its outcome. On the banks of the Krapivna River, on September 8, 1514, this battle took place, in; which the Moscow regiments were defeated.
The war for Smolensk continued for another 8 years, but it was not possible to return the city to the Grand Duchy. In 1522, an agreement was signed in Moscow on a 5-year truce, according to which Vasily III retained the Smolensk lands.

Notes

1. Schmidt E. A. Toponymy of the Smolensk Dnieper region and archeological data. - In the collection: Models of culture. Smolensk. 1992, p. 149.
2. Schmidt E. A. Decree. op. S. 150.
3. The Tale of Bygone Years. Ch. I. M.-L. 1950. S. 13.
4. Forgotten glory. Short review military history of Belarus. - Soviet Belarus. No. 118. June 30, 1992
5. Henry of Latvia. Chronicle of Livonia. M. 1938. S. 167.
6. Henry of Latvia. Decree. op. S. 210.
7. Monuments of Russian law. Issue. 2. M. 1953. S. 69.
8. complete collection Russian chronicles (hereinafter PSRL). T. 30. M. 1965. S. 86.
9. Ermalovich M. Starazhytnaya Belarus. Mn. 1990. S. 299.
10. Fennel D. The crisis of medieval Russia. 1200-1304. M. 1989. S. 77.
11. Novgorod I chronicle. M. 1950. S. 263.
12. "Great Chronicle"About Poland, Russia and their neighbors of the XI-XIII centuries. Zh 1987. S. 149.
13. Fennel D. Decree. op. S. 141.
14. Gurevich F. Antiquities of the Belarusian Ponemanya. M. - L. 1962. S. 79-81.
15. Ermalovich M. Decree. op. S. 308.
16. Grekov I., Shakhmagonov F. The world of history. Russian lands in the XIII-XV centuries". M. 1988. S. 123.
17. Ermalov1ch M. Decree. op. S. 312.
18. Pashuto V. T. Formation of the Lithuanian state. M. 1959. S. 8.
19. PSRL. T. 2. M. 1843. S. 735.
20. Ibid. S. 776.
21. Ibid. S. 801.
22. Ermalov1ch M. Decree. op. S. 317.
23. PSRL. T. 2. S. 341.
24. Ibid. S. 815.
25. Fennel D. Decree. op. S. 141.
26. Forgotten glory. Brief review of the military history of Belarus. - Soviet Belarus. No. 118. June 30, 1992
27. Ermalov1ch M. Decree. op. S. 331.
28. Grekov I., Shakhmagonov F. Decree. op. S. 128.
29. Ibid. S. 129.
30. Alekseev L. V. Smolensk land in the IX-XIII centuries. M. 1980. S. 72.
31. Andreev N. V., Makovsky D. P. Smolensk region in monuments and sources. Part 1. Smolensk. 1949. S. 174.
32. Ibid. S. 175.
33. Kondrashenkov A. A. The history of the Smolensk land from ancient times to the middle of the XVII century. Smolensk. 1982. S. 25.
34. Andreev N. V., Makovsky D. P. Decree. op. S.-175.
35. PSRL. T. II. M. 1965. S. 22-23.
36. Ibid. S. 24.
37. PSRL. T. 32. M. 1975. S. 66.
38. Lastouski V. Yu. Short history of Belarus Mn. 1992, p. 20.
39. Makovsky D.P. Smolensk Principality. Smolensk. 1948. S. 186.
40. PSRL. T. 32. S. 66.
41. Kondrashenkov A. A. Decree. op. S. 27.
42. PSRL. T. 32. S. 66.
43. Makovsky D.P. Decree. op. S. 187.
44. Lastousyu V. Yu. Decree. op. S. 25.
45. PSRL. T. 32. S. 73.
46. ​​PSRL. T. 11. S. 162.
47. PSRL. T. 32. S. 75.
48. Grekov I., Shakhmagonov F. Decree. op. S. 225.
49. PSRL. T.I.S. 184.
50. PSRL. T. 32. S. 77.
51. Andreev N. V., Makovsky D. P. Decree. op. S. 178.
52. PSRL. T. 32. S. 77.
53. History of the peasantry of the western region of the RSFSR. period of feudalism. Voronezh. 1991, p. 52.
54. Novoseltsev A. P., Pashuto V. T., Cherepnin L. V. Ways of development of feudalism. M. 1972. S. 298.
55. History of the peasantry of the western region of the RSFSR. S. 189.
56. PSRL. T. 17. St. Petersburg. 1907. P. 69. T. I. S. 189.
57. PSRL. T. 31. M. 1968. S. 103.
58. Acts related to history Western Russia collected and published by the Archeographic Commission). T. 1. St. Petersburg. 1846. S. 143.
59. Picheta V. I. Belarus and Lithuania in the XV-XVI centuries. M. 1961) S. 621.
60. Ibid. S. 647.
61. Lastouski V. Yu. Decree. op. S. 31.
62. Ibid. S. 27.
63. Grekov I., Shakhmagonov F. Decree. op. S. 258.
64. PSRL. T. 32. S. 82.
65. Ibid. S. 83.
66. Lyubavsky M. K. Essay on the history of the Lithuanian-Russian state up to the Union of Lublin inclusive. M. 1915. S. 69.
67. PSRL. T. 32. S. 85.
68. PSRL. T. 17. S. 69.
69. Ilovaisky D. History of Russia. M. 1896. T. 2. S. 275.
70. PSRL. T. 32. S. 85.
71. Ilovaisky D. Decree. op. T. 2. S. 275.
72. PSRL. T. 17. S. 68.
73. History of the peasantry of the Western region of the RSFSR. P.84.
74. PSRL. T. 17. S. 68.
75. Ibid. S. 69.
76. PSRL. T. 31. S. 104.
77. Ibid. S. 104.
78. Ilovaisky D. Decree. op. T. 2. S. 278.
79. History of the peasantry of the Western region of the RSFSR. S. 85.
80. Cherepnin L. V. Formation of the Russian centralized state. M. 1960.
81. History of the peasantry of the Western region of the RSFSR. S. 85.
82. PSRL. T. 32. S. 85.
83. Ibid. S. 86.
84. Monuments of Russian law. Issue. 3. M. 1955. S. 273.
85. Saganovich G.M. Mn. 1992, p. 12.
86. PSRL. T. 26. M.-L. 1962. S. 274-275.
87. Grekov I., Shakhmagonov F. Decree. op. S. 324.
88. Makovsky D.P. Decree. op. S. 193.
89. Zimin A. A. Russia at the turn of the XV-XVI centuries. M. 1982. S. 64
90. Lastouski V. Yu. Decree. op. S. 36.
91. Alekseev Yu. G. Sovereign of all Russia. Novosibirsk. 1991, p. 179.
92. Zimin A. A. Decree. op. S. 95.
93. Monuments of diplomatic relations between the Muscovite state and the Polish-Lithuanian state. SPb. 1882. T. 1. S. 50.
94. PSRL. T. 8. St. Petersburg. 1859. S. 225-226.
95. Zimin A. A. Decree. op. S. 100.
96. Collection of the Russian Historical Society. T. 35. St. Petersburg. 1892. S. 273
97. PSRL. T. 28. M. 1963. S. 333-334. T. 32. S. 166.
98. Forgotten glory. Brief review of the military history of Belarus. - Soviet Belarus. 1992. July 2. No. 120.
99. PSRL. T. 12. M. 1965. S. 252.
100. PSRL. T. 32. S. 99-100.
101. Ibid. S. 176.
102. PSRL. T. 26. S. 293-294.
103. PSRL. T. 8. S. 240.
104. Lastouski V. Yu. Decree. op. S. 38.
105. PSRL. T. 8. S. 240-241.
106. PSRL. T. 24. M. 1921. S. 215.
107. Zimin A. A. Decree. op. S. 192.
108. Lastouski V. Yu. Decree. op. S. 39.
109. Saganovich G. M. Decree. op. pp. 28-29.
110. Herberstein S. Notes on Muscovy. M. 1988. S. 189.
111. PSRL. T. 13. M. 1965. S. 9.
112. Acts relating to the history of Western Russia. T. 2. 1506-1544.-St. Petersburg. 1848. S. 54.
113. Josap Chronicle. M. 1957. S. 161.
114. Kondrashenkov A. A. Smolensk region in the 16th - first half of the 17th centuries. Smolensk. 1978. S. 18.
115. Josap Chronicle. S. 194.
116. Saganov1ch G. M. Decree. op. S. 38.
117. Iosaph Chronicle. S. 164.


Gennady LASTOVSKII
"Kray Smolensky" No. 7-8, 1993

SMOLENSK PRINCIPALITY , an ancient Russian principality, located along the upper reaches of the Dnieper. The capital is Smolensk. Formed on waterway"From the Varangians to the Greeks". Separated from the Old Russian state in the 30s. 12th c. In the 2nd half of the 14th century. fought against the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, to which it was annexed in 1404.

A source: Encyclopedia "Fatherland"


an ancient Russian principality that occupied territories along the upper reaches of the Dnieper. Of the cities in the Smolensk principality, in addition to Smolensk, Toropets, Orsha, and later Mstislavl, Mozhaisk were of great importance. The political isolation of Smolensk began in the 1030s. The principality of Smolensk became independent under Prince. Rostislav Mstislavich (1127 - 59), grandson of Vladimir Monomakh. Under him, it expanded significantly and reached its greatest prosperity and power. In 1136, a diocese was established in the Principality of Smolensk, which later received lands and privileges. Under the successors of Roman Rostislavich (1160 - 80), the Smolensk principality began to be divided into destinies and its influence on all-Russian affairs began to decrease. At the same time, the principality of Smolensk was attacked by German crusaders and Lithuanian princes. In the 2nd floor. 13th century Mozhaisk and Vyazemsky appanages emerged from the Smolensk principality. This weakened the Smolensk principality in the fight against the Lithuanian princes. Book. Svyatoslav Ivanovich (1358 - 86) waged an energetic struggle with Lithuania for the independence of the Smolensk principality, but was defeated and died in the battle on the river. Vehre. The Smolensk principality was captured by the Lithuanian prince. Vitovtom. In 1401, an uprising took place in the Principality of Smolensk against the rule of the Lithuanians. The Smolensk people put Yuri Svyatoslavich on the Smolensk table. But in 1404 Smolensk was again taken by Vitovt. The Smolensk principality lost its political independence. It became a part Polish-Lithuanian state. Smolensk land was returned to Russia in 1514, captured by Poland in 1618 and returned again in 1667.
G. Gorelov

A source: Encyclopedia "Russian Civilization"

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The eastern part of the Smolensk land reached Mozhaisk and, judging by the testimony of contemporaries, in the XV-XVI centuries. was densely forested (and there are almost no mounds here either). The way from Smolensk to Moscow was all through the forest. 130 miles between Vyazma and Mozhaisk, according to A. Meyerberg (1661), a continuous forest stretched, “the desert of which is protected by one village of Tsarevo-Zaimishche”. “The path from Smolensk to Moscow,” Adolf Lisek (1675) echoes him, “is as dangerous from bears as it is boring because of continuous forests. The only road between these cities runs along a strip of cut down forest about 30 feet wide with a log flooring across the swamps.

Dense forests were also in the southeastern limits of Smolensk land. In 1370, chasing away Olgerd, “gnashe mozhaichi and beaten Smolny in the forest on Bologna, and full of otyash”. The village of Belonovtsy on the river. Desnoga, 16.5 versts from Yelnya, indicates to us that this forest began somewhere to the southeast of this city. Most likely, in the upper reaches of the Bolva, where there are few kurgan groups, there was the Bleve point.

There are many forests even now in the southern Smolensk region. In Roslavl as early as the beginning of the 20th century. they occupied 40.5%, and in ancient times there were much more of them. The forest crossed at the headwaters of the river. Bolvy to the so-called Bryn forest, which stretched from Kaluga to Bryansk, according to the Book big drawing. In addition to the border forests of Smolensk, which went deep into the Earth, there were forests that did not go to the borders. Smolensk, according to S. Herberstein, "is surrounded by extensive forests, from which various furs are extracted." A. Lizek also writes about the dense forests between the border of Lithuania and Smolensk: having traveled 8 miles from the border of Lithuania, he had to spend the night among the dense forest, kindling fires from bears. Near Smolensk, his embassy was waiting for an invitation to the city, also in a large forest. Having fallen into a great flood, S. Herberstein was forced to transfer to a boat, controlled by a monk, and sail from Smolensk to Vyazma among the forests, etc.

It is important for us that the spaces that were deserted, according to the reviews of travelers of the 16th-17th centuries, do not have burial mounds. This means that the picture of the population for the pre-Mongolian time according to the mounds is quite objective.

Clusters of settlements in ancient Smolensk region. Let us turn to the study of the territories taken away by man from the forest. In Smolensk land, there are three largest concentrations of settlements of ancient Slavs: in the area between the Sozh - Dnieper - Kaspli rivers, in the upper reaches of the Western Dvina (near the Toropetsky and Zhizhetsky lakes), in the interfluve of the Dnieper - Desna.

About the population of the Western Dvina - Toropy V.V. Sedov noted that these were areas in which earlier (7th-9th centuries) the population buried in long mounds, which gave him the right to speak about the genetic continuity of these places of the population of the 10th-12th centuries. from an earlier one. The abundance of burial mounds in Toropetsky district. already noted by M.I. Semevsky, their a large number of on the river Veles (former Moninsky parish) was also indicated in the literature. The works of Ya.V. Stankevich found out that the Toropetsk cluster of settlements arose at the beginning of the second half of the 1st millennium AD. e. At the same time, clusters of people began to appear near the lake. Zhizhetskoye, to the northeast between the lake. Luchansky and Okhvat, the history of the population of these areas is undoubtedly close to the Toropetsk population. A different picture awaits us to the south: between the Velizh course of the Western Dvina and the Dnieper; here on the river Gobze density is very low; judging by the burial mounds, the ancient villages stretched in narrow strips across the watershed. The western one went through the Kasplya, the middle one - from Smolensk to the north to Verzhavsk, the eastern one - from the mouth of the Vopi also to Verzhavsk (Fig. 2). The volost Verzhavlians the Great, which we read about in the Charter of Rostislav in 1136 as the most solvent, consisting of 9 graveyards, should be seen in small clusters of settlements scattered along the rivers around Verzhavsk; a comparatively larger cluster near the left bank of the Western Dvina was obviously considered to be two churchyards, and the most remote Verzhavsky churchyard to the northeast of Verzhavsk should be seen in the village of Devyataya, where there are both mounds and a settlement of the pre-Mongolian time (Fig. 4) . In the northern part of the Smolensk land there were still clusters of settlements, however, of a smaller size: on the river. Pyryshne at the very edge of the Okovsky forest, where at the village. Okovets has burial mounds and a settlement of the 9th-10th centuries, as well as on the upper Mezha with tributaries.

The central cluster of settlements in the area of ​​Sozha - the Dnieper and Kaspli most of all spread to the left bank of the Dnieper (Fig. 4). E.A. Schmidt divided this population into three chronological groups: at the first stage (VII-VIII centuries) there was little population here, forests abounded, one might think. In the second (IX-X centuries) to the west of modern Smolensk (which did not yet exist) on both sides of the Dnieper, a colossal Krivichi tribal center grew up, which, as I tried to show, was ancient Smolensk, as they rightly suggest to consider, similar to the Scandinavian wikis - Birke and others. At the third stage (XI-XIII centuries), this city died out, since feudal Smolensk was transferred to a modern place. However, the territory of this cluster on the left bank was intensively populated. Residents cut into the forests, expanding crops. Archaeological monuments of this time, showed E.A. Schmidt, are diverse - they reflected villages, churchyards, feudal estates, etc. The remains of the settlements of the same cluster in its eastern part were studied by V.V. Sedov and were also divided into three groups according to time, however, the late stage also captures the developed Middle Ages. Close to the central group of the cluster of settlements is their cluster in the region of that part of the upper Dnieper, where the path to the portage to the Ugra with the toponyms Volochek (Dnieper side) and Luchin-Gorodok (Ugra bank) departed. The spontaneous enrichment of the population of the portage of the 11th-12th centuries, which traded in transportation along the watershed, was soon (mid-second half of the 12th century) stopped by the feudal center of Dorogobuzh, which, apparently, moved into the zone of the princely domain. To the north of the Dorogobuzh population cluster, we will mention the clusters of ancient inhabitants of the 10th-11th centuries. and later on the river Vyazma, the upper reaches of which were close to the upper reaches of the Vazuza, and other tributaries of the Ugra (Fig. 2; 4). These accumulations also led to the formation at the beginning of the XIII century. the feudal center of Vyazma (first mentioned in 1239).

Rice. 5. Coin treasures and individual finds of coins in the Smolensk region. 1. Hoards. 2. Single finds of coins. 3. Clusters of settlements (according to mounds). 4. Borders of the Smolensk land. 5. Voloki, according to toponyms. 1 - "Gnezdovsky Smolensk", 2 - Ilovka, 3 - Sour, 4 - Slobodka (Przhevalsk), 5 - Saki, 6 - Glazunovo, 7 - Toropets, > 8 - Kurovo, 9 - Paltsevo, 10 - Zhabachev, 11 - Gulce , 12 - Gorki, 13 - Semenov-Gorodok, 14 - Rzhev, 15 - Dunaevo, 16 - Panovo, 17 - Kharlapovo, 18 - Dorogobuzh, 19 - Yartsevo, 20 - Zhigulino, 21 - Mutyshkino, 21 - Borshchevshchina, 23 - Sobolevo , 24 - Zastenok, 25 - Starosele, 26 - Stary Dedin, 27 - Gorki, 28 - Popovka, 29 - Peschanka, 30 - Zimnitsa

We see scattered Smolensk villages (sparse clusters) both to the east and again in the areas of convergence of the right tributaries of the Vazuza and the left Ugra, among them the village of Panovo stands out, where during excavations foreign things, dirhems, etc. were discovered (see section "Trade "), as well as r. Iskona, even to the east, near the border of the Vyatichi and Krivichi, is the volost known from the Charter of Rostislav in 1136 - Iskona, which paid tribute directly to Smolensk and, therefore, is quite independent.

The third large cluster of settlements is located in the southern Smolensk region, inhabited by the Radimichi. A few mounds with cremation (IX-X centuries) show that then only small settlements were scattered here, with several houses each. Obviously, the bulk of the inhabitants of these places, judging by the mounds with inhumation, arose in the 11th-12th centuries. But this process was internal, because there are no foreign materials testifying to migration in the barrows. The Radimichi were intensively populated: the upper reaches of the Stometi, Ostra, middle Sozh, and the upper Besedi. At the southern border of the Smolensk lands, there are fewer burial mounds; forests abounded here, separating the northern Radimichi from the rest, which were the border between the principalities. How to explain the existence of such a border within a large tribe of Radimichi? Based on the funeral rite, G.F. Solovieva outlined 8 small tribes of Radimichi. In the zone of the Smolensk Radimichi, she managed to isolate only one such tribe (the eighth group). The remaining Radimic territory, where it was not possible to catch signs of small tribes, doubles the neighboring small tribes in area and number of monuments. It is possible that two small tribes of Radimichi lived here, separated along with the third (the eighth group of Solovyova) from the rest by forests, which Rostislav Smolensky took advantage of, adding them to his land (1127?, see below). If the assumption about these two small tribes is confirmed and the Radimichi had, therefore, 10 such tribes, then this will confirm the interesting hypothesis about the decimal division of the ancient Russian large tribes put forward by B.A. Rybakov.

View of the city of Smolensk. 1814 Unknown. thin 1st floor 19th century

History of the city

Smolensk, center of the Smolensk region and Smolensky district. It is located in the upper reaches of the Dnieper (pier), between the Dukhovshchinskaya and Krasninsko-Smolenskaya uplands. Population 356 thousand people.

First mentioned in the annalistic code under 862-865. It was the center of the Slavic tribe of the Krivichi, a large trading and craft settlement on the ancient trading wayfrom Varangian to the Greeks”. From 882 as part of Kievan Rus, from the XII century. Centre Smolensk principality. In 1404-1514 it was part of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, then - in the Muscovite state; after the construction of a stone fortress wall in 1596-1602 - the most important Russian fortress on the western border. After the defense of Smolensk in 1609-11, it was captured by Poland, returned to Russia under the Andrusovo truce of 1667. From 1708 the center of Smolensk province, in 1719-26 - Smolensk province of Riga province, from 1776 - Smolensk viceroy (from 1796 - province). During the Patriotic War of 1812, the Battle of Smolensk took place in the Smolensk region.

During Great Patriotic War the Battle of Smolensk in 1941 took place here, which delayed the advance of the Nazi troops on Moscow for 3 months.

The historical center of Smolensk is surrounded by powerful fortress walls with towers (1596-1600), in the ensemble of the Cathedral Mountain - the Cathedrals of the Assumption (1677-1740) and the Epiphany (1787), the Church of St. John the Baptist (1703-80; being restored), the bishop's house (1770) And others have also been preserved: churches - Peter and Paul (1146), Michael the Archangel (Svirskaya, 1194), John the Theologian (1160, rebuilt in the 18th century), St. George's (1782), Resurrection (1765), Transfiguration Savior (1766) ; Ensemble of the Trinity Monastery with the Cathedral (1738-40), Spaso-Preobrazhensky Cathedral Spaso-Avraamiev Monastery(1755), Churches of the Ascension (1700) and Akhtyrskaya (1830) Ascension Monastery.

Smolensk principality

PRINCIPALITY OF SMOLENSK, an ancient Russian principality that occupied territories along the upper reaches of the Dnieper. Of the cities in the Smolensk principality, in addition to Smolensk, Toropets, Orsha, and later Mstislavl, Mozhaisk were of great importance. The political isolation of Smolensk began in the 1030s. The principality of Smolensk became independent under Prince. Rostislav Mstislavich (1127 - 59), grandson Vladimir Monomakh. Under him, it expanded significantly and reached its greatest prosperity and power. In 1136, a diocese was established in the Principality of Smolensk, which later received lands and privileges. Under the successors of Roman Rostislavich (1160 - 80), the Smolensk principality began to be divided into destinies and its influence on all-Russian affairs began to decrease. At the same time, the principality of Smolensk was attacked by German crusaders and Lithuanian princes. In the 2nd floor. 13th century Mozhaisk and Vyazemsky appanages emerged from the Smolensk principality. This weakened the Smolensk principality in the fight against the Lithuanian princes. Book. Svyatoslav Ivanovich (1358 - 86) waged an energetic struggle with Lithuania for the independence of the Smolensk principality, but was defeated and died in the battle on the river. Vehre. The Smolensk principality was captured by the Lithuanian prince. Vitovtom. In 1401, an uprising took place in the Principality of Smolensk against the rule of the Lithuanians. The Smolensk people put Yuri Svyatoslavich on the Smolensk table. But in 1404 Smolensk was again taken by Vitovt. The Smolensk principality lost its political independence. It became part of the Polish-Lithuanian state. Smolensk land was returned to Russia in 1514, captured by Poland in 1618 and returned again in 1667.

G. Gorelov

Photo album

Smolensk Kremlin XVI-XVII centuries. Modern look.
A photo A.N. Savelyeva. 2008

Wall of the Smolensk Kremlin. Eagle Tower (Gorodetskaya).
A photo A.N. Savelyeva. 2008

Smolensk Kremlin, Kopytensky (Kopytitsky, Kopychinsky) gates.
A photo A.N. Savelyeva. 2008

Smolensk. Church of Peter and Paul of the 12th century (right). And the church of Barbara of the XVIII century.
A photo A.N. Savelyeva. 2008

Smolensk. Church of Michael the Archangel XII century.
A photo A.N. Savelyeva. 2008

Smolensk. Assumption Cathedral of the 18th century.
A photo A.N. Savelyeva. 2008

Smolensk princes:

Gleb Konstantinovich (col. 12). From the kind of Smolensk Prince. Ancestor of the Fominsky princes. Son of Konstantin Davydovich

Andrey Vladimirovich Dolgaya Ruka (col. 12). Ancestor of the Vyazemsky princes. Son of Vladimir Rurikovich. + 1223 Andrey was taken prisoner by the Tatars after the Battle of Kalka and crushed under the boards along with other princes.

Rostislav Mstislavich (c. 1110 - 03/17/1168) (IX knee) - Prince of Smolensk (1125 - 1160), Prince of Novgorod (1153), Grand Duke of Kyiv (1154, 1159 - 1168)

Elena has been wife since 1163 of Kazimierz II (Casimir II the Just) (1138 - 05/05/1194), Prince of Krakow (see Poland. Piasts)

Mstislav Rostislavich the Brave(? - 07/11/1180) (X knee) - Prince of Smolensk (1175 - 1177), Prince of Novgorod (1179 - 1180), Prince of Belgorod (1161, 1171 - 1173) married for the first time to the daughter of Gleb Rostislavich (see Ryazan princes), the second time on the unknown

Roman Rostislavich (? - 1180) (XI tribe) - Prince of Smolensk (1160 - 1172, 1177 - 1180), Grand Duke of Kyiv (1171 - 1173, 1175 - 1177), Prince of Novgorod (1178 - 1179) married from 01/09/1148 to daughters of Svyatoslav Olgovich (col. VIII)

Davyd Rostislavich (1140 - 04/23/1197) (XI knee) - Prince of Novgorod (1154), Prince of Torzhsky (1158 - 1161), Prince of Vitebsk (1165 - 1167), Prince of Vyshgorodsky (1167 - 1180), Prince of Smolensk (1180 - 1197 )

Svyatoslav Rostislavich (? - 1169) (X knee) - Prince of Novgorod (1158 - 1160, 1162 - 1168)

Agafya Rostislavna (X knee) - the second wife since 1165 of Oleg Svyatoslavich (col. IX) (see Novgorod - Seversky princes)

Rurik Rostislavich (? - 1214) (X knee) - Prince of Novgorod (1170 - 1171), Prince of Belgorod (1173 - 1194), Grand Duke of Kyiv (1173, 1180 - 1182, 1194 - 1202, 1203 - 1205, 1206, 1207 - 1210), Prince Chernigov (1210 - 1214) married for the first time since 1163 to the daughter of the Polovtsian Khan Belguk, the second time to kzh. Anna, daughter of Yuri Yaroslavich (see Turov princes). Tatishchev has a mention under 1211 to his third wife Anna Vsevolodovna

Mstislav - Boris Davydovich the Elder (? - 1189) (XI tribe) - Prince of Novgorod (1184 - 1187), Vyshgorodsky (1187 - 1189)

Rostislav Davydovich (XI tribe) - mentioned under 1219

Predslava Rurikovna (XI tribe) - wife until 1203 of Roman Mstislavovich the Brave the Great (col. XI) (see Princes of Vladimir-Volynsk)

Vseslava Rurikovna (XI knee) - wife since 1198 of Yaroslav Glebovich (col. X) (see Ryazan princes)

Mstislav - Fedor Davydovich the Younger (1193 - 1230) (XI tribe) - Prince of Smolensk (1219 - 1230)

Konstantin Davydovich (? - 1218) (XI knee)

Vladimir Rurikovich (autumn 1187 - 03/03/1239) (XI knee) - Prince Pereyaslavsky (1206 - 1213), Grand Duke of Kyiv (1224 - 1235), Prince of Smolensk (1213 - 1219). Anna's son

Rostislav Rurikovich (1173 - c. 1218) (XI tribe) - Prince Torchesky (1195 - 1205), Grand Duke of Kyiv (1205), Prince Vyshgorodsky (1205 - 1210), Prince Galitsky (1207) married from 09/26/1189 to kzh. Verkhuslav, daughter of Vsevolod the Big Nest . Anna's son

Anastasia Rurikovna (XI knee) - wife since 1183 of Gleb Svyatoslavich (col. X) (see Princes of Chernigov)

Izmaragda - Euphrosyne Rostislavna (1198 -?) (XI knee)

Andrey Dolgaya Ruka (? - 6.1223) (XII generation) married to the daughter of Mstislav Romanovich the Old (see Descendants of Roman Rostislavovich). In the Battle of Kalka in 1223, he was taken prisoner along with other princes. Crushed by the boards on which the Tatars sat down to feast. Another version of the origin is presented (see Smolensk princes (continued))

Marina (XII knee) - wife of Vsevolod Yurievich (see Princes of Vladimir-Suzdal)

Alexander Glebovich (col. 14) Son of Gleb Rostislavich. Book. Smolensky in 1297 - 1313 + 1313 Alexander took Smolensk from his uncle Fyodor Rostislavich Cherny. In 1298, Fedor went to Alexander with a large army, stood near Smolensk for a long time and fought hard, but could not take the city and returned to Yaroslavl without success. In 1301, Alexander and his brother Roman besieged Dorogobuzh and did a lot of harm to its inhabitants by taking away their water. Prince Andrei Afanasyevich Vyazemsky came to the aid of the besieged, and Alexander, wounded, having lost his son, had to retreat from the city with great loss.

Vasily Ivanovich (col. 16) From the family of Smolensk princes. Son of Ivan Alexandrovich. Book. Selekhovsky + 1397. In 1396, Vasily was expelled from his parish by the Lithuanians and took refuge in Novgorod

Vasily Alexandrovich (col. 15) From the family of the Smolensk princes. Son of Alexander Glebovich. Book. Bryansk until 1309 and in 1310 - 1314 + 1314 In 1309 Vasily was expelled from Bryansk by his uncle Svyatoslav Glebovich. Vasily went to the Horde to complain to the Khan and the next year came to Bryansk with Tatar army. In the battle, the Bryansk people were defeated, and Svyatoslav died. Vasily captured Bryansk again and in the same year went with the Tatars to Karachev and killed the local prince Svyatoslav Mstislavich

Gleb Svyatoslavich (col. 15) From the family of Smolensk princes. Son of Svyatoslav Glebovich. Book. Bryansk. + Dec 6 1340 According to the chronicler, the Bryansk, evil seditious, met in vechem and killed Gleb, despite the exhortations of Metropolitan Theognost

Gleb Rostislavich (col. 13) From the family of Smolensk princes. Son of Rostislav Mstislavich. Book. Smolensky in 1249-1278 + 1278

Read further:

Smolensk Princes(genealogical table).

It passed through the principality and was an important source of income for its rulers.

The principality included many cities, including: Bely, Vyazma, Dorogobuzh, Yelnya, Zhizhets, Zubtsov, Izyaslavl (location not established), Krasny, Krichev, Medyn, Mozhaisk, Mstislavl, Orsha, Propoisk, Rzhev, Rostislavl, Rudnya, Toropets.

History

Early history of the principality (from the 9th century to 1127)

The chronicle that Vladimir Monomakh, having taken the throne of Kyiv in 1113, transferred his son Svyatoslav from Smolensk to Pereyaslavl, shows the Smolensk land under the rule of Monomakh in the period after the Lyubech Congress of 1097.

The heyday of the Smolensk principality under the Rostislavichs (from 1127 to 1274)

The further fate of the Smolensk land

Economy

The territory of the principality was wooded and hilly. The principality was at the crossroads of trade routes. The Upper Dnieper was connected with the Baltic through the Western Dvina River, with Novgorod through the Lovat River, and with the upper Volga.

From the end of the 12th century, the trade of Smolensk with Riga and Visby on Gotland expanded. Wax was the main export, followed by honey and furs. Imports consisted mainly of cloth, later sources also mention stockings, ginger, candied peas, almonds, smoked salmon, sweet wines, salt, spurs.

In the first third of the 13th century, Smolensk merchants continued to participate in international trade. Treaties between Smolensk and Riga and the Goth Coast in 1223/1225 and 1229 have been preserved in the Latvian State Historical Archives.

see also

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Notes

  1. Vl. Greeks.// Russian biographical dictionary: in 25 volumes. - St. Petersburg. -M., 1896-1918.
  2. Vernadsky G.V.
  3. Rudakov V. E.// Encyclopedic Dictionary of Brockhaus and Efron: in 86 volumes (82 volumes and 4 additional). - St. Petersburg. , 1890-1907.
  4. Alekseev L.V. Smolensk land in the IX-XIII centuries. - Moscow: Nauka, 1980. - P. 64-93.
  5. Ivanov A.S."Moscowitica-Ruthenica" in the Latvian State Historical Archive: the history of the formation of the complex, composition and introduction to scientific circulation. // Ancient Russia. Medieval Questions. - 2004. - No. 3 (17). - S. 54.

Literature

  • Makovsky D.P. Smolensk Principality / Smolensk Regional Research Institute. - Smolensk, 1948. - 272 p.

Links

  • L. V. Alekseev

An excerpt characterizing the Smolensk principality

After tea, Sonya saw a timid maid waiting for her at Natasha's door. She let it through, and, eavesdropping at the door, learned that the letter had again been handed over. And suddenly it became clear to Sonya that Natasha had some kind of terrible plan for this evening. Sonya knocked on her door. Natasha didn't let her in.
“She will run away with him! Sonya thought. She is capable of anything. To-day there was something particularly pathetic and resolute in her face. She burst into tears, saying goodbye to her uncle, Sonya recalled. Yes, that's right, she runs with him - but what should I do? thought Sonya, now recalling those signs that clearly proved why Natasha had some kind of terrible intention. "There is no count. What should I do, write to Kuragin, demanding an explanation from him? But who tells him to answer? Write to Pierre, as Prince Andrei asked in case of an accident? ... But maybe, in fact, she had already refused Bolkonsky (she sent a letter to Princess Marya yesterday). There are no uncles!” It seemed terrible to Sonya to tell Marya Dmitrievna, who believed so much in Natasha. But one way or another, Sonya thought, standing in a dark corridor: now or never the time has come to prove that I remember the good deeds of their family and love Nicolas. No, I won’t sleep for at least three nights, but I won’t leave this corridor and won’t let her in by force, and won’t let shame fall on their family, ”she thought.

Anatole recently moved to Dolokhov. The plan for the kidnapping of Rostova had already been thought out and prepared by Dolokhov for several days, and on the day when Sonya, having overheard Natasha at the door, decided to protect her, this plan was to be carried out. Natasha promised to go out to Kuragin on the back porch at ten o'clock in the evening. Kuragin was supposed to put her in a prepared troika and take her 60 miles from Moscow to the village of Kamenka, where a trimmed priest was prepared, who was supposed to marry them. In Kamenka, a set-up was ready, which was supposed to take them to the Varshavskaya road, and there they were supposed to ride abroad on postage.
Anatole had a passport, and a traveler's, and ten thousand money taken from his sister, and ten thousand borrowed through Dolokhov.
Two witnesses—Khvostikov, the former clerk whom Dolokhov and Makarin used to play, a retired hussar, a good-natured and weak man who had boundless love for Kuragin—were sitting in the first room at tea.
In Dolokhov's large office, decorated from wall to ceiling with Persian carpets, bearskins and weapons, Dolokhov sat in a traveling beshmet and boots in front of an open bureau, on which lay bills and wads of money. Anatole, in his unbuttoned uniform, walked from the room where the witnesses were sitting, through the study to the back room, where his French footman and others were packing the last things. Dolokhov counted money and wrote it down.
“Well,” he said, “Khvostikov should be given two thousand.
- Well, let me, - said Anatole.
- Makarka (that's what they called Makarina), this one disinterestedly for you through fire and into water. Well, the scores are over, - said Dolokhov, showing him a note. - So?
“Yes, of course, that’s how it is,” said Anatole, apparently not listening to Dolokhov and with a smile that did not leave his face, looking ahead of him.
Dolokhov slammed the bureau shut and turned to Anatole with a mocking smile.
- And you know what - drop it all: there is still time! - he said.
- Fool! Anatole said. - Stop talking nonsense. If you only knew... The devil knows what it is!
“Damn right,” said Dolokhov. - I'm talking to you. Is this a joke you're up to?
- Well, again, teasing again? Went to hell! Huh?... – Anatole said with a frown. “The right is not up to your stupid jokes. And he left the room.
Dolokhov smiled contemptuously and condescendingly when Anatole left.
“Wait a minute,” he said after Anatole, “I’m not joking, I’m talking business, come, come here.
Anatole again entered the room and, trying to concentrate his attention, looked at Dolokhov, obviously involuntarily submitting to him.
- You listen to me, I'll tell you last time I say. What should I joke with you? Did I cross you? Who arranged everything for you, who found the priest, who took the passport, who got the money? All I.
- Well, thank you. Do you think I'm not grateful to you? Anatole sighed and hugged Dolokhov.
- I helped you, but still I have to tell you the truth: the matter is dangerous and, if you take it apart, stupid. Well, you'll take her away, okay. Will they leave it like that? It turns out that you are married. After all, you will be brought to criminal court ...
– Ah! stupidity, stupidity! - Anatole spoke again, grimacing. “Because I told you. BUT? - And Anatole, with that special predilection (which stupid people have) for the conclusion that they reach with their own mind, repeated the reasoning that he repeated a hundred times to Dolokhov. “After all, I explained to you, I decided: if this marriage is invalid,” he said, bending his finger, “then I do not answer; Well, if it's real, it doesn't matter: no one abroad will know this, right? And don't talk, don't talk, don't talk!
- Right, come on! You only bind yourself...
“Go to hell,” said Anatole, and, holding his hair, went out into another room and immediately returned and sat down with his feet on an armchair close to Dolokhov. “The devil knows what it is!” BUT? Look how it beats! - He took Dolokhov's hand and put it to his heart. - Ah! quel pied, mon cher, quel regard! Une deesse!! [ABOUT! What a leg, my friend, what a look! Goddess!!] Huh?
Dolokhov, smiling coldly and shining with his beautiful, insolent eyes, looked at him, apparently wanting to still have some fun with him.
- Well, the money will come out, then what?
- What then? BUT? - Anatole repeated with sincere bewilderment at the thought of the future. - What then? There I don’t know what… Well, what nonsense to say! He looked at his watch. - It's time!
Anatole went into the back room.
– Well, will you soon? Dig in here! he shouted at the servants.
Dolokhov took away the money and, shouting to a man to order food and drink for the road, entered the room where Khvostikov and Makarin were sitting.
Anatole was lying in the study, leaning on his arm, on the sofa, smiling thoughtfully and softly whispering something to himself with his beautiful mouth.
- Go eat something. Well, have a drink! Dolokhov shouted to him from another room.
- Do not want! - Anatole answered, still smiling.
- Go, Balaga has arrived.
Anatole got up and went into the dining room. Balaga was a well-known troika driver who had known Dolokhov and Anatole for six years and served them with his troikas. More than once, when Anatole's regiment was stationed in Tver, he took him away from Tver in the evening, delivered him to Moscow by dawn, and took him away the next day at night. More than once he took Dolokhov away from the chase, more than once he drove them around the city with gypsies and ladies, as Balaga called. More than once, with their work, he crushed the people and cabbies around Moscow, and his gentlemen, as he called them, always rescued him. He drove more than one horse under them. More than once he was beaten by them, more than once they made him drunk with champagne and Madeira, which he loved, and he knew more than one thing behind each of them, which Siberia would have long deserved for an ordinary person. In their carousing, they often called Balaga, forced him to drink and dance with the gypsies, and more than one thousand of their money passed through his hands. In their service, he risked both his life and his skin twenty times a year, and in their work he overworked more horses than they overpaid him. But he loved them, he loved this crazy ride, eighteen miles an hour, he loved to overturn a cab and crush a pedestrian in Moscow, and fly at full speed through Moscow streets. He loved to hear this wild cry of drunken voices behind him: “Let's go! gone!” while it was already impossible to go any faster; he liked to stretch painfully up the neck of the peasant, who, in any case, was neither dead nor alive, shunned him. "Real gentlemen!" he thought.
Anatole and Dolokhov also loved Balaga for his driving skills and for the fact that he loved the same thing as they did. Balaga dressed up with others, took twenty-five rubles for a two-hour ride, and with others he only occasionally went himself, and mostly sent his fellows. But with his masters, as he called them, he always rode himself and never demanded anything for his work. Only when he found out through the valets the time when there was money, he came in the morning sober once every few months and, bowing low, asked to help him out. It was always planted by the gentlemen.
“Release me, father Fyodor Ivanovich or your excellency,” he said. - I completely lost my horses, you can go to the fair, lend what you can.
Both Anatole and Dolokhov, when they were in money, gave him a thousand and two rubles each.
Balaga was fair-haired, with a red face and especially a red, thick neck, a squat, snub-nosed peasant, about twenty-seven, with small sparkling eyes and a small beard. He was dressed in a thin blue caftan lined with silk, worn over a sheepskin coat.
He crossed himself at the front corner and went up to Dolokhov, holding out his small black hand.
- Fyodor Ivanovich! he said, bowing.
- Good, brother. - Well, here he is.
“Hello, Your Excellency,” he said to Anatole, who was entering, and also held out his hand.
“I’m telling you, Balaga,” Anatole said, putting his hands on his shoulders, “do you love me or not?” BUT? Now serve the service ... On which ones did you come? BUT?
- As the ambassador ordered, on your animals, - said Balaga.
- Well, you hear, Balaga! Slaughter all three, and to arrive at three o'clock. BUT?
- How will you slaughter, what will we ride? Balaga said, winking.
- Well, I'll break your face, don't joke! - Anatole suddenly shouted, rolling his eyes.
“What a joke,” said the coachman, laughing. “Will I be sorry for my masters? What urine will ride horses, then we will go.
- BUT! Anatole said. - Well, sit down.
- Well, sit down! Dolokhov said.
- I'll wait, Fyodor Ivanovich.
“Sit down, lie, drink,” Anatole said and poured him a large glass of Madeira. The coachman's eyes lit up with wine. Refusing for the sake of decency, he drank and dried himself with a red silk handkerchief that lay in his hat.
- Well, when to go then, Your Excellency?
- Yes, here ... (Anatole looked at his watch) now and go. Look, Balaga. BUT? Are you up to speed?
- Yes, how is the departure - will he be happy, otherwise why not be in time? Balaga said. - Delivered to Tver, at seven o'clock they kept up. Do you remember, Your Excellency.
“You know, I once went from Tver to Christmas,” Anatole said with a smile of recollection, turning to Makarin, who looked with tender eyes at Kuragin. - Do you believe, Makarka, that it was breathtaking how we flew. We drove into the convoy, jumped over two carts. BUT?
- There were horses! Balaga continued. “Then I banned the young slaves to kaury,” he turned to Dolokhov, “do you believe it, Fyodor Ivanovich, the animals flew 60 miles away; you can’t hold it, your hands were stiff, it was cold. He threw the reins, hold, they say, Your Excellency, himself, and so he fell into the sleigh. So after all, not only to drive, you can’t keep to the place. At three o'clock they told the devil. Only the left one died.

Anatole left the room and a few minutes later returned in a fur coat girded with a silver belt and a sable hat, smartly put on the hips and very fitting for his handsome face. After looking in the mirror and in the same position that he took in front of the mirror, standing in front of Dolokhov, he took a glass of wine.
“Well, Fedya, goodbye, thanks for everything, goodbye,” said Anatole. - Well, comrades, friends ... he thought ... - youth ... my, goodbye, - he turned to Makarin and others.
Despite the fact that they all rode with him, Anatole apparently wanted to do something touching and solemn from this appeal to his comrades. He spoke in a slow, loud voice and wiggled his chest with one leg. – Everyone take glasses; and you, Balaga. Well, comrades, friends of my youth, we drank, we lived, we drank. BUT? Now, when shall we meet? I will go abroad. Live, farewell, guys. For health! Hurrah! .. - he said, drank his glass and slammed it on the ground.
“Be healthy,” said Balaga, also drinking his glass and wiping himself with a handkerchief. Makarin hugged Anatole with tears in his eyes. “Oh, prince, how sad it is for me to part with you,” he said.
- Go, go! Anatole shouted.
Balaga was about to leave the room.
“No, stop,” said Anatole. “Shut the door, get in.” Like this. The doors were closed and everyone sat down.
- Well, now march, guys! - said Anatole, getting up.
The footman Joseph gave Anatole a bag and a saber, and everyone went out into the hall.
- Where's the coat? Dolokhov said. - Hey, Ignatka! Go to Matryona Matveevna, ask for a fur coat, a sable coat. I heard how they were being taken away,” Dolokhov said with a wink. - After all, she will jump out neither alive nor dead, in what she sat at home; you hesitate a little, then there are tears, and father, and mother, and now she is cold and back, - and you immediately take it into a fur coat and carry it to the sleigh.
The footman brought a woman's fox coat.
- Fool, I told you sable. Hey, Matryoshka, sable! he shouted so that his voice could be heard far across the rooms.
A beautiful, thin and pale gypsy woman, with shiny, black eyes and black, curly bluish tint hair, in a red shawl, ran out with a sable coat on her hand.
“Well, I’m not sorry, you take it,” she said, apparently shy in front of her master and pitying the coat.
Dolokhov, without answering her, took a fur coat, threw it over Matryosha and wrapped her up.
"That's it," said Dolokhov. “And then like this,” he said, and lifted the collar near her head, leaving it just a little open in front of her face. “Then like this, you see? - and he moved Anatole's head to the hole left by the collar, from which Matryosha's brilliant smile could be seen.
“Well, goodbye, Matryosh,” said Anatole, kissing her. - Oh, my spree is over here! Bow down to Steshka. Well, goodbye! Farewell, Matryosh; you wish me happiness.
“Well, God grant you, prince, great happiness,” said Matrona, with her gypsy accent.
Two troikas were standing at the porch, two young coachmen were holding them. Balaga sat on the front three, and, raising his elbows high, slowly dismantled the reins. Anatole and Dolokhov sat down beside him. Makarin, Khvostikov and the lackey sat in another three.

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