Aslan Maskhadov's son Anzor is hiding in one of the European countries. He gave an interview to the weekly newspaper "Sobesednik" on the condition of not disclosing his place of residence. He may be in Germany.

Anzor Maskhadov came to an interview in a cafe in one of the European cities with his bodyguard. He said that he left Chechnya "before the second war, in early 1999." “I went to study in Malaysia. Then the war started. My father tried to take me to him, but he couldn’t. How can I return home with my passport, where the name Maskhadov is located, through all these roadblocks? I wanted to enter the Islamic University. But To do this, you had to know English well, and I learned the language. And then I left Malaysia for the Emirates, Turkey, then to Baku," Maskhadov said.

"I still receive strange calls - with threats, provocations. Recently they called from Chechnya and demanded that our family return home. They even promised to meet me at the Dagestan border. But it is known what will happen next, I know these methods," Maskhadov's son said .

“For me, the main thing now is to take and bury my father’s body. We even turned to Alexy II to help him - after all, it is necessary to bury a person according to any religion. "We were told: because he is a symbol of resistance, people will gather at his grave. But it is not customary for us to gather crowds at graves, only relatives go. If I could bury him, I would not even tell anyone where. I'm afraid There were many such cases. My uncle died - and only we know where he is buried. Russian side is still looking for his body," Maskhadov said.

Anzor Maskhadov explained why he does not want to return to Chechnya. "When we corresponded with the Prosecutor General's Office about my father's body, Ustinov said that they had no complaints against me personally. But I'm sure that as soon as I return, they will attribute something. They will make a loud show trial out of this," Maskhadov's son believes. .

He gave details of how his father was hiding in Chechnya. "He lived in 2003 in Gudermes, not far from Kadyrov's house. I also have photographs. When this became known, Kadyrov became furious. My father wrote to me:" You know, Anzor, if you knew where I am ... 2-3 meters of armored vehicles passing by," said Maskhadov's son.

He also admitted that he felt sorry for Chechen Prime Minister Ramzan Kadyrov. "I feel sorry for him that he chose this path. God is the judge of everyone. He can be killed like Kadyrov senior. Perhaps even his own," said Anzor Maskhadov.

Up to 10,000 militants and refugees from Chechnya live in Azerbaijan

Currently, 4,000-10,000 Chechens live in Baku, the capital of Azerbaijan. Alla Dudayeva, the widow of the first Chechen president, rented an expensive room in the Absheron Hotel for a long time on the luxurious 8th floor. The 4th floor was entirely occupied by the residence of Khozh-Akhmed Nukhaev. Here, Forbes editor Paul Khlebnikov had long conversations with Nukhaev, which later became the book Conversations with a Barbarian.

"Now they live in Baku: the Maskhadov family, Basayev's mother and second wife, and several brigadier generals are resting," she said. Chief Editor opposition newspaper "Real Azerbaijan" Eynulla Fetullayev. At one time, he wrote chronicles of the Chechen underground, the Sobesednik notes.

The "Chechen" house is located on a "five-story building" (a district in Baku), next to the park. Foreign journalists love to film this building. The Chechen house in Azerbaijan seems very "Russian" to them - satellite dishes and ropes with linen to dry are alternately hung on the facade.

"In the park next door, only Chechens used to gather. They differ from us, Azerbaijanis, both in appearance and in the manner of dressing, and their women tie scarves in a different way. We immediately recognize them. Although now they no longer stick out like that" , Fetullayev said.

In Baku, they don't trump with well-known names in Chechnya. This is a dangerous reputation. Salman Raduev's brother was beaten with rebar, his body was stuffed into the trunk of a car and thrown into the Wolf's Gate precipice. An expensive murder. The investigation insists on the version that Raduev's brother quarreled with his accomplices over several major kidnappings in Azerbaijan.

A few years ago, groups from the Russian special services came to Baku, who shot Chechens associated with the resistance, and then left. The most famous of the dead is Vakha Ibragimov, Maskhadov's ambassador to Afghanistan and then Zelimkhan Yandarbiyev's press secretary, and at the end of his life, a Baku businessman.

“Basayev’s mother moved to Turkey a long time ago, and his second wife, Kameta, divorced him when he brought his fourth or fifth wife into the house. She said: “I’m not your toy!” She rented an apartment right above mine, and then left Azerbaijan. I told her: "Don't leave your address and phone number, I don't want to know, they can pick me up at any moment," said one of the Chechens, who identified himself as Musa.

He also said that he was a judge of the Sharia court in one of the regions of Chechnya and fled after Kadyrov came to power.

In the summer of 2006, Ramzan Kadyrov sent to Baku Magomed Khambiev, the Minister of Defense under Maskhadov, who, according to rumors, went over to Kadyrov's side after his relatives were taken hostage. Khambiev was supposed to carry out in Baku the favorite demonstrative action of the Russian and Chechen authorities - "an amnesty for surrendered militants."

"It's nonsense that I came to Baku secretly and with guards," said Magomed Khambiev. "It's just that I didn't look for meetings with the leaders of the so-called resistance movement. Contact would not work - they are under powerful armed guards. I met with ordinary refugees. They "They set a condition for me to return my relatives to Chechnya first. I took my brother's wife and her children from Baku. But at the border I was detained, humiliated and insulted by the Russian border guards. I realized that Russia did not need the return of the Chechens. And I abandoned my plans to go with the same mission to Turkey, Germany, Belgium. And my relatives left again for Baku."

According to Anzor, his father was not killed in the same way as previously reported in the Russian media.

There was no explosion of the bunker, as well as careless handling of weapons, he claims. First, Maskhadov, in the course of negotiations with the special forces, through his bodyguard, agreed to save the lives of his three comrades, surrounded with him in a house in Tolstoy-Yurt. After they left the premises, Maskhadov accepted the fight.

According to Anzor Maskhadov, the separatist leader was killed with small arms.

Immediately after the special operation, Deputy Prime Minister of Chechnya Ramzan Kadyrov stated that Maskhadov died as a result of careless handling of weapons by a bodyguard who was next to him. However, over time, in an interview with the Izvestia newspaper, Ramzan Kadyrov said that these words of his "were a joke."

A little later, Ilya Shabalkin, a representative of the regional operational headquarters (ROSH) for managing the counter-terrorist operation in the North Caucasus, said that Maskhadov was in an underground concrete bunker, which had to be blown up in order to get inside. It was during the explosion of the bunker that he died, Shabalkin noted.

In addition, Anzor Maskhadov rejected the version that the separatist leader came to the house in Tolstoy-Yurt to pick up his allegedly kidnapped brother. Son former leader Ichkeria also admitted that Aslan Maskhadov could be betrayed.

At the same time, Anzor Maskhadov confirmed that the duties of the president of Ichkeria were transferred to Abdul-Khalim Saidullayev (according to other sources, his name is Ahmad Fairuz Sheikh Abdulkhalim), who is the chairman of the Supreme Sharia Court of the unrecognized republic.

Earlier this was mentioned in Shamil Basayev's statement, published on the website of the Chechen separatists "Kavkaz-Center".

Maskhadov handed over by local residents?

Meanwhile, on Sunday, March 13, a representative of the Russian special services, on condition of anonymity, also spoke on the air in the program "Vesti Nedeli", aired on the state television channel RTR, about the details of the operation against Aslan Maskhadov.

He claims that the leader of the Chechen separatists was handed over by local residents, who reported that a large field commander was hiding in the village of Tolstoy-Yurt. Almost the entire composition of Alfa was transferred to Chechnya, but only three knew about the purpose of the special operation, an anonymous representative of the special services said.

He also stated that Maskhadov "appeared at different times in different places in Chechnya," and in letters abroad he complained that he did not spend the night in one village for more than two days.

The representative of the special services also denied the version that Maskhadov could have been killed earlier, but save this news for March 8. According to some reports, Maskhadov was killed on Sunday 6 March. One of the residents of the Nozhai-Yurt district gave away his whereabouts for a large sum of money. A group headed by Ramzan Kadyrov left to capture Maskhadov.

But Kadyrov decided not to take responsibility for the assassination of Maskhadov, fearing disgrace and revenge, and asked the federal intelligence services to attribute the results of the operation to other structures.

The security officer said it was not true. “We found evidence in one of the houses that either the leader of the gangs was or is there,” he says. “In particular, fragments of handwritten documents were found - some kind of memos addressed to Maskhadov, a computer a large number of cards for paying for telephone calls, although the owner of the house and his family members did not have mobile phones.

Soon the entrance to the secret shelter was also discovered, the representative of the special services says further. The owner of the house was offered "to name who is there, but he categorically refused, saying only that the one who is there will not surrender under any circumstances." The found hole led to a special bunker, which was built before 1999, when Maskhadov was the president of Chechnya. "The owner of the house knew that a cache was being built, but he did not know for what purpose," a spokesman for the special services said. Later, "a messenger came to him and warned that from October last year, i.e. the (Muslim) holiday of Uraza, distinguished guests would live with him."

There were no negotiations with Maskhadov during the special operation. "We proceeded from the premise that Maskhadov would not surrender - we had every reason for this. We knew that Maskhadov was wearing a suicide belt," said a spokesman for the special services. According to him, the task force had two options - "either demolish the entire house and open the bunker, or sacrifice part of the house, thereby not causing damage to the owners, and blow up only the manhole."

After the explosion, "Vakhid Murdashev (Maskhadov's bodyguard) was the first to get out of the bunker, and his first question was whether Maskhadov was there. He said: 'Yes, he is there.' When asked: 'Is he alive?' no." Together with the guard, Maskhadov's nephew Eliskhan Khadzhimuradov also surrendered.

When the secret services entered the cache, they found weapons, explosives, communications equipment and a large archive with many "handwritten and printed documents", which, according to a representative of the special services, "reflect both Maskhadov's moods and his plans and the plans of people who believed associated with him."

Seven examinations

Russian Deputy Prosecutor General Nikolai Shepel said on Sunday that prosecutors had made seven identifications of Aslan Maskhadov's body, including four by relatives of the slain Chechen separatist leader.

According to him, blood was taken from Maskhadov's relatives for genetic examination, "so that later there would be no talk that the dead man was the terrorist's double."

Shepel said that law enforcement agencies continue to study the archive found on Maskhadov's computer. The Deputy Prosecutor General did not rule out that materials on the seizure of the school in Beslan would be found in the archive, and promised, if they were found, to hand over the documents to the parliamentary commission investigating the terrorist attack.

Shepel confirmed that Maskhadov would be buried without specifying the time and place of burial. Earlier, the Directorate of the Prosecutor General's Office of the Russian Federation in the North Caucasus stated that the bodies of persons passing under the article "terrorism" are not given to their relatives.

The corresponding provision is contained in the Criminal Code of Russia. Terrorists are buried on the territory of the constituent entity of the Russian Federation, where they were killed, while only a few representatives of law enforcement agencies know about the place of burial.

On Friday, Igor Bykov, head of the military medical department of the Russian Defense Ministry, said that Maskhadov's body had been identified with an accuracy of 97 percent. According to Bykov, the experts used 16 identification methods, including the dental formula. Bykov promised that the results of the genetic analysis would be ready within two weeks.

According to official data, the leader of the Chechen separatists, President of Ichkeria Aslan Maskhadov on Tuesday, March 8, in the village of Tolstoy-Yurt, Chechnya.

He was hiding in a bunker under one of the houses. Russian security officials say the bunker was blown up, killing the separatist leader. However, Deputy Prime Minister of Chechnya, the son of the slain president of the republic, Ramzan Kadyrov, told reporters that Maskhadov died because of an accidental shot by his bodyguard.

As stated in the message of the headquarters of Russian troops in the North Caucasus, during this operation Maskhadov's close associates - Vakhit Murdashev, Vskhan Khadzhimuratov, Iles Iliskhanov and Saiderbek Yusupov were detained. Maskhadov's personal archive also came into the possession of the federals.

Duties of the President of Ichkeria after the death of Aslan Maskhadov Saudi Arabia Ahmad Fairuz Sheikh Abdulhalim.

Two years have passed since the death of CRI President Aslan Maskhadov. Political scientists assess his role in the history of Chechnya and in Russian-Chechen relations in different ways. Undoubtedly, one thing - until the end of his life, Maskhadov insisted on a peaceful resolution of the conflict, called for solving all problems at the negotiating table, and not on the battlefield. In any case, history will give the final assessment of his personality. And how will the Chechen president remain in the memory of people close to him? We asked Aslan Maskhadov's son Anzor to tell us about his father.

I haven't seen my father since mid-1999. On his instructions, I had to go to Malaysia, where I spent more than two years. Since the war began, I could not go back, although I wanted to do just that. Then my mother and sister had to leave the republic, because they were already threatened by bandits of all stripes, zavgayevtsy, Kadyrovtsy and the FSB. So our family ended up outside the republic.

Back in 1999, we did not know that Russia would once again come to us with a war. If I had known, I would never have left for anything, and my father would not have allowed it either. We parted at our house in Grozny. I remember how my father told his grandchildren: "Don't worry, we'll see you in six months." We arrived in Malaysia, and after a while, Russian aircraft began to bomb villages on the territory of the CRI, when the fighting was going on in the territory of Dagestan. I managed to get through to my father and say that I want to come home, to be with him. He said that it would be difficult and it would be better to wait a while. The last time he tried to take me to him was in 2004, but to no avail. So we never saw each other.

What is your most vivid memory of your father?

There are many of these moments, I will tell you about two memories. It was during the first Russian-Chechen campaign, as it is called. In that campaign, and during long transitions, and during the encirclement, I was next to him. Then I was surprised when he got up first and walked, leading his fighters. The Chechen and Russian generals were completely different. Our leaders and commanders experienced everything that an ordinary fighter experienced. And it lifted our spirits. Finding himself completely surrounded by the Shamanov group, which tightly encircled the city of Shali, the father decided to break through the cordon. He decided to do this in order to save Shali from destruction. After all Russian troops they longed to enter this city, which at that time had not yet been touched, not plundered, and to clear the third largest city in the republic. There was no other choice but to go through the enemy's cordon. We broke through this cordon, passing two hundred meters from the equipment, their units. The next day, when Shamanov learned that those Chechen units that were in Shali had left, they say, he could not come to his senses for a long time. Another memorable incident was when my father went to the Nadterechny district in the summer of 1995, during negotiations. His cortege was stopped at a checkpoint near the village of Znamenskoye. The major came up and began to say, well, they say, there is no name Maskhadov on this paper and therefore I can’t miss it ... my father took these papers, slapped them in his face and said: “And you will point me to my land?”, sat down into the car - and the escort passed this checkpoint.

What was he like in the family?

He was fair, both in politics and in war, as well as in life and in the family circle. He was an honest, direct, noble person. In the family, he was sensitive, attentive and kind. He liked to talk about our people, traditions, culture, nobility, courage - he appreciated it. He was demanding of everyone, as well as of himself. The family was strict. For example, as a child, if he told me to come home from the street at seven o'clock, then I would never dare to be late even for a minute. As soon as he came home from work, in the evening, the first thing I had to do was to tell how things were at school, what grade I had received, and only after that he started his business. Most of the time he spent with us was devoted to education. We came home twice a year to visit our loved ones when my father was on vacation. In the circle of our family, we always communicated only on mother tongue so that we children do not forget it. My father talked about what our ancestors left us and passed on to us. This is what he was taught, this is what he taught us. Therefore, the most important thing that he wanted to convey to us, his children, was the values ​​of the Chechen people. He advised us to read books that described the history of Chechnya and the entire Caucasus. Sometimes he himself spoke about the heroism of our ancestors.

What memories of your father do you keep from childhood, what episodes of your communication do you remember most of all?

I remember we came from Hungary to the village of Zeber-Yurt and my father took me fishing, I was six years old then. The day was very hot, we went into the water and fished with our hands. Then we poured water into a jar and let the fish in there, closing it with a lid, in which we made holes in advance so that air could enter there. When we arrived home, he asked me to release the fish into the pond, which was located in our village. So I did.

How did your parents meet?

It was during my father's studies at the Tbilisi Artillery School, in Georgia. My father returned home, to Chechnya, to his parents. And already at home, his relatives found him a bride from a neighboring village. So decided the grandfather, who gave permission to his father to go to serve in the army only after his marriage. Already married, my father and mother left for the distant Primorsky Territory, where I was born.

What are your very first childhood memories, to what period of life do they belong? Where did your family live then?

My first memories come from the time when we lived in the Primorsky Territory. I was about three years old, I remember how we went to swim in Lake Khanka, which was not far from the place where we lived. I remember playing in the sandbox with the neighborhood kids. Then we moved to Leningrad: my father entered the Military Academy. When he had free time, then we always went for a walk around the city, then on a boat ride along the Neva, then to the Hermitage, to other places in the city. Then we lived in Hungary, I was then seven years old. My father took me with him to military exercises. I remember that there were many Chechens in his regiment, so I went with them, either to the barracks, or to the dining room, or to the shooting range. But the most pleasant thing for me was when I found out that my father got a vacation, and we were going home. I always missed my family and friends. When we came home, I took with me cousins and we went fishing, to the forest or to swim on the Terek.

I remember the time when my grandfather died. We lived then in Vilnius. I remembered how my father was worried that he could not participate in his funeral. He arrived in Chechnya when his father had already been buried. The same thing happened during the “first war”, in 1995, when my grandmother died. Then our family lived in Grozny. My father was in the mountains at that time and, of course, could not come to the funeral. We were taking her to be buried at the family cemetery, but at the very first checkpoint we were stopped, openly threatening with reprisals. We had to take her through another checkpoint, where they demanded money from us for the passage to the cemetery. This I can never forget.

What was the army for the father, military service?

He devoted his whole life to studying: a school, then an academy, and then - service in Soviet army. If we talk about the Russian army today, I can say that my father did not even call it an army. Since she, as her father said, completely decomposed, demoralized and got out of control of the generals. And she, today Russian army, is not similar to the one that was under the Soviet Union. My father devoted his whole life to military affairs. Wherever he served and whatever regiment he commanded, where Maskhadov was, there was order and discipline. There was no hazing at all in Maskhadov's regiment. It even happened that the commanders of neighboring regiments envied Maskhadov. But the moment came when this army began to kill its own citizens, to kill children with sapper shovels in Georgia, to crush people with tanks in Baku, then in Lithuania, in Ingushetia. Maskhadov decided to resign in order not to be an accomplice to this barbarism.

How did A. Maskhadov decide to start working in the government structures of the Chechen Republic in the early 90s? What made him leave the army and return to Chechnya?

During the tragic events in Lithuania, we lived in Vilnius. I remember a case when my father was ordered to lead an artillery regiment to suppress the Lithuanians who rebelled for their freedom. Then the father, realizing what this would lead to and how shameful it was, did not obey the order of the major general, saying that he would not go to kill civilians. Then similar events began to develop in our republic, regiments were stationed around Chechnya, which, by order, were to commit aggression on the territory of our republic. My father retired from the army and returned home to give the entire arsenal of knowledge accumulated in the academy and in the Soviet army to the defense of the land of our ancestors. As he said: “When it is difficult for your homeland, your people, you have no right to remain on the sidelines, indifferent. Especially if there is a war going on, and you are a military man by profession. A military man in peacetime eats gratuitous bread, and if during the war he goes "in the bushes" - there is no forgiveness for him. We all must stand guard over the honor and dignity of our motherland, because the honor of the motherland is like the honor of a mother, sister, wife. When the homeland loses honor, all men, all the people lose honor.

As I remember today, my father came home from work in the evening and said: “From tomorrow you will be next to me.” And so from 1993 to 1999 I was next to him, as an attendant, assistant.

In 1996 we lived in Grozny. I remember that every night our village was shelled from heavy machine guns and small arms from a nearby checkpoint. More than once I had to let them know that we are nearby and they can answer for all the actions. An interesting incident occurred in the center of Grozny. We decided to attack a group of contractors on BMPs and take trophies. They developed an operation, but the day before they suddenly heard such news. Three teenagers, about twelve years old, approached these contractors and, pointing the already used Mukha grenade launcher at them, disarmed the contractors, after which they successfully left this place. ... In May 1996, our house was shot from a Shmel flamethrower. Fortunately, the released charge, although it touched the roof, did not explode. A day or two later, we learned that bandits from the GRU group under the command of Kakiev were behind this act. After this incident, my mother went to her parents, and I again went to the mountains, to my father. And so on until the end.

Hope for the world. Until the end of his life, he was sure that no one would be able to conquer the Chechen spirit. During the fifteen years of this barbaric war, which is being waged without rules, the Chechen fighters have proved that no one can subdue the people, bring them to their knees. Since the beginning of the war, Russian propagandists have been saying that there is no unity in the ranks of the Chechen fighters, that Maskhadov almost went abroad, allegedly a hundred militants remained, who would be destroyed in a month or two. Much has been said about the fact that there is no one to negotiate with, and if the war is suspended, no one will listen to Maskhadov. They say Basayev and other commanders will not obey Maskhadov's order, since they only want the continuation of the war. But in February 2005, the Kremlin propagandists, these politicians and generals, got into a puddle when the President of the CRI, Maskhadov, unilaterally stopped military operations on the territory of the CRI by one decree, and all the commanders, including Basayev, obeyed this order. The Kremlin benefits from the war it started, and was not prepared for this turn of events. A lot of news appeared on the TV screens, which reported that military operations were going on throughout the territory. It was funny to watch this nonsense. After all, a few days ago they stated that only a hundred militants remained in the mountains, and they would soon be destroyed. The father made an appeal. He stressed that all units of the ChRI Armed Forces had suspended combat operations, although there were provocations from Russian forces. He stressed that he appealed to the instigator of this war, Putin, demanded heed this call, to sit down at the negotiating table. But the problem is that when the Chechens offer peace, the Kremlin sees it as our weakness. Throughout this war, the Russian side was interested in the Chechen Resistance becoming radicalized, in order to announce to the world: look, so what, that we are killing civilians, wiping their villages off the face of the earth, but we are killing radicals. Maskhadov gave his life without giving them a reason to say that he or his fighters were involved in any terrorist attack. Yes, he admitted that there are hard-to-stop avengers who are subordinate to Shamil Basayev. But for them, revenge is not the most important thing. Having taken hostages in Nord-Ost or somewhere else, they did not blow up the buildings, but demanded an end to the barbarism against the Chechen people, the killing of women, children, and the elderly. Desperate people demanded peace, and the insane gave orders for the assault, killing their own citizens. Understanding all this, considering that the enemy against whom he is fighting Chechen people, merciless not only to the Chechens, but also to his own, Maskhadov hoped only for the will of the Almighty. He knew, as we all know, that the death of Chechen old people, women or children is indifferent to the majority in this world. And Maskhadov's forecast about the future Chechen Republic Ichkeria, this is the forecast of our ancestors, who gave their lives for the right to live freely on their land. We are told: “It is better to die standing than to kneel all your life”, it doesn’t matter when, but it is important how to live this life and how to die.

In our family, it so happened that everyone has the ability to draw, father, mother, me and my sister. Even as a child, my father took me with him and painted towers, mountains ... I remember we had such a conversation at home, my father and my mother, they decided then that after finishing school I would enter the art academy. But the war turned everything upside down, and I had to follow in the footsteps of my father, go through the war next to him, and after it ended, he ordered me to go to a diplomatic school in Malaysia. The next war began, and, according to his instructions, I had to deal with more serious matters - to resist Russian propaganda, showing and telling the world about what was happening with our people. He taught me that too.

What did Maskhadov respect and dislike more than others in people?

Cowardice, lies, betrayal - this is what he despised. Appreciated and loved - nobility, courage, valor, honesty and justice.

What is the most important thing you learned from your father?

Patience and be fair.

What were the main personality traits of A. Maskhadov? What qualities helped him in life, and what, in your opinion, harmed him?

Enough has been said about this by those who knew him well. I know how he loved his people, and not only his own, but others too. After all, look at his attitude even towards those who kill his people. He never insulted his opponent, although from the other side they shouted that it was necessary to destroy the entire male population of Chechnya, even to destroy it in the womb. He was a very reserved, patient and noble man. Therefore, he was always confident and lived this life with his head up. Although there were deceit and lies, injustice both on the part of those who were around him and on the part of his enemies. He believed people and forgave their mistakes, and this often turned against him. Lies and deceit on the part of the people who stood next to him, and harmed him and the ideas and goals that he set for himself. As for the rest, neither I nor our people doubt his human purity, and he proved it. He always managed to find a compromise with everyone, even with his opponent, as he was a very patient and restrained person and knew what this conversation was worth - saving many lives.

I think and hope that I will always live up to his hopes. I will continue to follow the path of my father. Thousands of Chechens gave their lives on this path, including my father, and therefore I have no right not to complete this work: to put an end to relations with my neighbor, Russia. Therefore, I set myself a goal that I must achieve. It's doing what my father gave his life for - standing up for the truth to the end. This is exactly what my father wanted me to do today.

Exactly six years ago, in the Chechen village of Tolstoy-Yurt, named after the great Russian writer, Russian FSB special forces shot the president of independent Ichkeria, Aslan Maskhadov. Then, Deputy Prime Minister of Chechnya Ramzan Kadyrov Maskhadov's death was "a gift to all women of Chechnya by March 8."

As the head of the Chechen Ministry of Internal Affairs Ruslan Alkhanov said: “It is symbolic that our president Akhmad-hadji Kadyrov died heroically on a men's holiday - Victory Day. And this so-called president of Ichkeria found his death in a damp cellar on International Women's Day. There is nothing to add to this." Indeed, there is nothing to add to the cynicism and baseness of these two men.

Maskhadov, being the legitimately elected president of the Ichkerian Republic, has been on the wanted list since 2000. All this time he was in Chechnya. The leader of the Chechen resistance was killed only when the threat of peace talks really hung over the Kremlin: when the soldiers' mothers (Union of Committees of Soldiers' Mothers) and Maskhadov's emissary (Akhmed Zakaev) adopted a joint document "The Way to Peace in Chechnya", and after Maskhadov's own statement that he can end the war in 30 minutes after a personal dialogue with Putin. Putin did not need peace in Chechnya, and then a decision was made to forcibly liquidate Aslan Maskhadov.

Testimony of Maskhadov's son Anzor (born 1975), who fought alongside his father throughout the first war.

Anzor Maskhadov: Yes, it happened on March 8th. On the same day they officially spread the information that Aslan Maskhadov had been killed.

RFI: Was your family in Azerbaijan at that time?

Anzor Maskhadov: Yes. My friend called me and asked if it was true or not? My heart told me that my father had been killed. Then they announced on TV channels that an operation had been carried out in Tolstoy-Yurt and "after a fierce and short battle, Aslan Maskhadov was killed." Later, through my channels, I found out some details of what happened. A group was sent special purpose from Moscow. They surrounded this house and began to carry out a special operation. The local police and special forces cordoned off the village.

RFI: Did the Chechen special forces take part in the assassination of Maskhadov?

Anzor Maskhadov: They did not even know and did not take any part. They were not entrusted with this operation, and they were not entrusted with this operation to those Russian troops who were in Khankala and at other bases.

RFI: The whereabouts of the President were highly classified. Was this a betrayal on the part of compatriots and those who harbored Maskhadov?

Anzor Maskhadov: There was no betrayal, although there were rumors that someone had betrayed for some millions. It is not true. I know he was there and how safe the place was. They calculated it in a completely different way - using the phone.

RFI: When Dzhokhar Dudayev asked his confidants that he needed urgent and reliable communication, it was among his confidants that there was a career intelligence officer who “successfully” developed and implemented the operation to eliminate Dudayev. Is it the same option?

Anzor Maskhadov: Dzhokhar Dudayev was framed by another country - it rendered a service to Moscow. The same thing happened with my father. Now I will not name this country, this is exactly what happened - the use of the telephone. The father himself did not call, but those who were next to him called. There is also a version that he was killed at the request of our relative - this is not true. Bullets of various calibers different parties.

RFI: Let's stop at this point. If Kadyrov is to be believed, then Maskhadov died by pure chance - "due to the careless handling of weapons by his bodyguard", and that no one was going to kill him. Shabalkin, a representative of the operational headquarters, presented a completely different version, that the president was in a bunker, which had to be blown up in order to get inside. It was during the explosion of the bunker that he died. Which version is correct? Do you have a forensic medical report?

Anzor Maskhadov: I have some documents on hand and do not want to show them yet, but the time will come - I will show them so that people know the truth, how it really happened. There was no explosion there. To have barotrauma, you need powerful explosion, and if there was a powerful explosion, then this house would not exist. The house was blown up after he was killed, and some kind of grenade will not cause barotrauma. There were several penetrating bullet wounds, three in the head. These bullets entered from different directions and from different angles. The voiced version does not add up, according to which it means that he was killed by the one who was next to him. I don't think he was taken alive and then killed. When this operation was carried out, doctors were with them. When the bleeding body of the father was pulled upstairs, the doctors rushed to him. He was killed immediately. From these bullets in the head, a person will not survive.

RFI: According to the official statements of the security forces, it turns out that the presidential aides left the shelter before the start of the operation. Does this mean they abandoned their president?

Anzor Maskhadov: It is not true. As soon as the security forces entered the yard, they captured the owner of the house. In addition, they used gas. I don't know which one, not teary, of course. And those who were with the father - they are not guards, but assistants, they were pulled out of the house already in an unconscious state. The military immediately began this operation, knowing that Maskhadov would not surrender alive, in any case.

RFI: After you learned that the owner of the house, Yusupov, was alive, did you meet with him to fully clarify the circumstances of your father's death?

Anzor Maskhadov: I wouldn't do it for their safety. Without asking them, we will still learn the truth from other sources.

From a letter from President Maskhadov to his colleague:

“Hello, Vasily Ivanovich!
Infinitely grateful that in such scary time remembered, wrote. Understand that in this terrible time for my small and unfortunate people, and for the people of Russia as well, for me - a person who, by the will of fate, was at the head of the other side of the barricades, it is very important to know the opinion of my fellow soldiers, friends and comrades in the service. I do not know who is to blame for this tragedy, but I will say with all responsibility that this is not my fault. When the terrible, monstrous, huge army of Russia entered my republic, destroying and sweeping away everything in its path, using the most sophisticated methods, I knew that it would be difficult to resist this bulk with a handful of brave men, but I could not do otherwise.

RFI: Anzor, your family was immediately denied a body for burial. It's been six years now, is there any hope of burying father's body?

Anzor Maskhadov: From a country in which people were buried alive, from a government that is barbaric towards us, it is useless to wait for some step. There was no hope that they would even do it. The time will come when everything will be decided. Six years have passed since the murder. The Russians themselves would have to think - why is this happening in their country? Why are the mothers of those soldiers whom my father betrayed now silent? I remember how they came to us and turned to their father to return their sons to them. He gave them away, there were not only privates, but also officers. Once they gave away a whole group - about 50 contract soldiers. They would have to appeal to their government. Or my father's colleagues - he was their boss, commander, friend.

Here is another excerpt from the same letter of President Maskhadov to his colleague, 1996.

“From the very first day of the assault on Grozny, I got in touch with generals Babichev, Rokhlin, offered them to take responsibility - to stop this massacre, I myself, as a military man, was ready for this even against the will of politicians from my side, up to Dudayev. Russian generals Babichev, Rokhlin, Kvashnin, Kulikov did not dare to do this - they thought about pensions, position, apartments.
When everything that entered the city was burned, destroyed, thousands of snotty young handsome guys, Russian soldiers, lay on the sidewalks of the city, it was impossible to walk through the city from the corpses, and these corpses began to be eaten by hungry dogs and cats, I asked General Babichev to stop war for at least one day (if necessary, then we will continue) in order to collect our own corpses. They didn't even go for it. Instead, they offered me to raise White flag over the presidential palace, and I sent them to hell and beyond. I fought with Russia, but I never lost my dignity.”

Anzor Maskhadov: Even before the start of the second war in 1999, my father turned to the leaders of the North Caucasian republics to gather in one fist and do everything so that Russia would not start this war. Solve this problem peacefully. The presidents of Ingushetia and Ossetia responded. It did not work out - the leaders of Dagestan were afraid of Moscow, realizing that the war would begin in any case. And the father then warned them, said that the war would not only be in Chechnya - "by our will or not by ours, it will spread throughout all the republics." Here are the prophetic words. What is happening in our homeland, in our land. We even fight against each other: Chechens against Chechens, Chechens against Dagestanis, Ossetia, Ingushetia - blood is shed everywhere. Between us... we were forced to shoot each other. And the way out of this situation is our unification.

RFI: Just the opposite side has come together today - these boys in their twenties who are blowing themselves up "in the name of jihad." And we got a completely opposite result to what President Maskhadov was talking about.

Anzor Maskhadov: Today there is a completely different war, unusual for our peoples. People go for revenge... it's very bad when they take revenge in such ways. It can be done differently, since this is a war.

RFI: In place of a balanced politician, ready for dialogue and understanding, who was not only the commander-in-chief of the Chechen armed forces, but a symbol of resistance, the Kremlin received Doka Umarov, who was already known for his aggressiveness and intransigence towards Russia. And no one sees a way out of this situation. The Caucasus is choking in blood.

Ahmed Zakaev: After Taimiev Beybulat, Maskhadov was the only one who was recognized by everyone. It was later that the Russians managed to split, dismember, and create an armed opposition. Of course, they understand what Aslan Maskhadov means for Chechens, Vainakhs. Today, being dead, he is much more terrible for the Russians than he would be alive. His life, his death became a symbol of faith and courage.

RFI: Anzor, you haven't been home for a long time, do you want to return to your homeland?

Anzor Maskhadov: I've always missed her. You understand, all my life Soviet Union ride. We returned home in 1992, it turned out only for a few years. I had no friends left - almost all of them were killed. I would like to see the rest, to visit the graves of those people who were close to me. But I can't go there. I just consider it a betrayal of those who were killed. To smile at those who call themselves the authorities there - no, I don't want that. I just live my life with dignity.

The program featured the favorite song of the President of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria, Aslan Maskhadov, performed by Suleiman Tokkaev.

Aslan Maskhadov was directly involved in organizing armed formations in the 1990s. During the 1st Chechen war, he headed the headquarters of these formations. In 1997-2005 he was the President of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria. Killed by FSB special forces on March 8, 2005.

The beginning of the biography

Maskhadov's birthplace is Kazakhstan, Karaganda region, Oskarovsky district, Shakai settlement. In 1944, his entire family was deported there, which left the teip Alleroi in Chechnya. His father's name is Ali. Aslan had three brothers and two sisters.

Only in 1957 the family was able to return to Chechnya. They began to live in the village of Zebir-Yurt in the Nadterechny district. In 1968 Aslan graduated from the ten-year school in the village of Nadterechny.

Military career

In 1969, Aslan Maskhadov entered the artillery school in Tbilisi, from which he graduated in 1972. Further, his military career develops as follows:

1. 1972-1978 - service near Ussuriysk in the Far Eastern Military District, where he rose to the post of chief of staff of an artillery battalion.
2. 1978-1981 - studied in Leningrad at the Military Artillery Academy. Kalinin. He graduated with honors, was sent to the southern group of troops in Hungary, where the last was the post of regiment commander.
3. Since 1986 - command of the regiment in the Baltic States.
4. In 1990 - head of artillery in the division, secretary of the party committee and chairman of the officers' meeting.
5. Since 1991 - command of the headquarters in the rocket and artillery troops in Vilnius. He had the rank of colonel on the date of his discharge from the army.

Chief of staff

In December 1992, when the situation on the border between Ingushetia and Chechnya escalated, Maskhadov resigned and arrived in the city of Grozny. Dzhokhar Dudayev appoints him head civil defense in Chechnya. Soon after that, he became the first deputy chief of the General Staff in the armed forces of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria. Continuation military career Maskhadov looks like this:

• 1993-1994 - leadership of military operations directed against the anti-Dudayev opposition;
• 1994, March - appointment as chief of the general staff in the armed forces of the CRI;
• 1994-1996 (1st Chechen War) - planning and leadership of major operations of militants - combat and sabotage;
• late 1994 - early 1995 - leadership in Grozny of the defense of the Presidential Palace;
• February 1995 - assignment by Dudayev of the non-existent rank of divisional general.

Criminal proceedings

From August to December 1995, Aslan Maskhadov was at the head of a group of military representatives who were part of the separatist delegation in negotiations with the federal government. Then he is appointed to a special monitoring commission as its co-chairman.

On August 6, 1966, under his leadership, the Jihad operation was developed and carried out, during which the militants attacked Grozny, as well as Gudermes and Argun.

In March 1995, the Prosecutor's Office of the Russian Federation initiated a criminal case against Maskhadov, and he was put on the wanted list. Nevertheless, in 1995 and 1996, he was a participant in negotiations with the Russian authorities more than once. On August 31, 1995, he signed the Khasavyurt agreements from the Chechen side.

Presidential term of Aslan Maskhadov

October 17, 1996 he becomes prime minister in the coalition government of Chechnya. November 23, 1996 signs an agreement with Chernomyrdin, Prime Minister of the Russian Federation. It is dedicated to the principles of relations between CRI and the federal center. January 27, 1997 Maskhadov, who received 59.3% of the vote, was elected president of Chechnya. In February, he also becomes chairman of the government.

May 12, 1997 in Moscow, Russian President Yeltsin and Maskhadov sign a peace treaty. According to historians, while in office, Maskhadov proved incapable of consolidating Chechen society. He supported an exclusively armed minority and rejected cooperation with centrists and forces loyal to Russia.

In the fall of 1998, the president was accused by Raduev, Israpilov and Basaev of colluding with Moscow, and they demanded his resignation. In response, the Basayev government was dismissed. As a result of the conflict with the field commanders, Maskhadov lost control of the overwhelming territory outside of Grozny.

Going underground

After Russian troops entered Chechnya, Maskhadov became the head of the armed resistance. In March 2000, the authorities of the Russian Federation once again put him on the federal wanted list, in 2002 - on the international one. Until 2002, Maskhadov was in the mountains with a small detachment. In 2002, at a meeting of field commanders, the separatists decided to create a single command, to which all power was transferred for the duration of the war. To this end, amendments were made to the constitution of Chechnya.

Aslan Maskhadov, having lost support among the militants and the population, remained only the elected leader of the separatists, with whom Russian leadership, according to the foreign public, could negotiate. Many of his supporters could not stand the hardships guerrilla war and surrendered to federal authorities, ending open resistance.

The question of involvement in terrorist attacks

From time to time there were reports that between Maskhadov and such leaders of the radical wing as Basayev and Umarov, disagreements arose over the methods of armed struggle. Allegedly, the former does not support hostage-taking and explosions of residential buildings, which led to the death of civilians in the Russian Federation.

In November 2002, although after a certain pause, he condemned the terrorist attack that took place on Dubrovka. He announced that a criminal case had been opened against Basayev for this act of terrorism and threatened that he would remove the latter from his post. However, no significant action was taken. Immediately after Basayev announced that he was responsible for the atrocity, he resigned on his own. However, at the same time, he also lived in Chechnya, and Maskhadov silently agreed with this.

After the terrorist attack, the leadership of the Russian Federation refused any contact with Maskhadov, accusing him of involvement in the action.

During the terrorist attack in Beslan, for which Shamil Basayev declared himself responsible, President North Ossetia A. Dzasokhov (through A. Zakaev) asked Maskhadov for assistance.

On September 2, 2004, A. Zakaev reported on behalf of Maskhadov news agency France-Presse that he is ready to fly to Beslan and take measures to free the hostages. But at the same time, he must receive guarantees of his immunity.

On the morning of September 3, 2004, Maskhadov made a personal statement condemning the attack. At noon an agreement was reached with Dzasokhov. It was supposed to arrive on the same day in case of providing personal guarantees of the President of Chechnya. After two explosions, the assault began (May 13).

Evidence of involvement

Already five months after the terrorist act in Beslan, Basayev was restored by Maskhadov to the post of military emir. In 2006, the Supreme Court of North Ossetia recognized the latter as one of the customers of the terrorist action.

On September 8, 2004, the FSB announced the payment of 300 million rubles for information that could help neutralize the leaders of gangs - Aslan Maskhadov and Shamil Basayev.

On September 17, 2004, Deputy Prosecutor General of the Russian Federation V. Kolesnikov made a statement that the Prosecutor General's Office had evidence of Maskhadov's involvement in the terrorist act committed in Beslan. This was the result of an objective investigation. At the same time, Kolesnikov called Maskhadov a subhuman.

On November 25, 2004, the Russian authorities announced that a special intelligence service was engaged in the capture of the two main Chechen terrorists. It is part of the counter-terrorist group of troops located in the North Caucasus. It unites the efforts of such departments as the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the FSB and military intelligence (GRU).

On January 14, 2005, Maskhadov made another attempt to settle Chechen conflict in peaceful way. He signed an order that suspended (for February) the offensive in Chechnya and beyond. This was done unilaterally. It was first published in the media.

On February 3, 2005, in pursuance of this order, Basayev also ordered his subordinates to interrupt offensive operations until February 22.

Liquidation of Aslan Maskhadov

On March 8, 2005, he was killed during a special operation, which was carried out in the Grozny rural area, in the village of Tolstoy-Yurt, by the FSB. There he was hiding with his distant relative in a bunker under the house. In the process of storming the bunker, they were resisted, and the commandos were forced to throw several grenades into the bunker. Their break led to Maskhadov's mortal wound.

During the special operation, his personal assistant, nephew and two other people were detained. All of them received different terms of imprisonment for illegal possession of weapons and for participation in gangs.

According to the son of Aslan Alievich Maskhadov, Anzor, the Russian special services managed to calculate the whereabouts of his father with the help of special equipment that determines the coordinates of a mobile phone using the IMEI code.

The village of Tolstoy-Yurt, which the Chechens call Doikur-Evl, is the ancestral village of Ruslan Khasbulatov. It has always been regarded as the center of the anti-Dudaev, and later anti-Maskhadov coalition. After the outbreak of the 2nd war, in 1999, many of Maskhadov's fellow countrymen and relatives moved there from the Nozhai-Yurtovsky district.

According to the version expressed by the Chechen Mujahideen, the death of Aslan Alievich Maskhadov occurred as a result of betrayal. And there is indirect confirmation of this, which consists in the message that was made by the Center for Public Relations of the FSB on March 15, 2005. It spoke about the payment of a reward in the amount of $ 1 million "for Maskhadov." At the same time, it was not reported to whom they were paid.

Family and awards

In 1972, Maskhadov married Kusama Semiyeva, a telephone operator. In 1979 they had a son, which was mentioned above. He left Aslan Alievich Maskhadov and his daughter Fatima, born in 1981. After some time, the couple divorced, and Aslan married a young girl from the village of Iskhoy-Yurt.

At the end of 2004, there was talk of the kidnapping of Maskhadov's distant relatives. According to rumors, at some point they were at the base of the Security Service of Chechen President R. Kadyrov, located in the south-east of the republic, in his family village of Tsentaroy.

After Maskhadov's death, his family lives in Finland. BUT ex-wife, Kusama, returned to Chechnya in 2016.

Among the awards of Aslan Maskhadov are the Order "For Service in the USSR Armed Forces" of two degrees, 2nd and 3rd, as well as the highest order of Ichkeria called "Honor of the Nation".