Reveals the secret mechanisms of the Kremlin puppeteers

First Secretary of the Regional Committee of the CPSU Vladimir Dolgikh meets the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU Leonid Brezhnev at the airport "Krasnoyarsk" (September 1972)

Probably many people remember historical battle veteran of the Dolgikh party Vladimir Ivanovich with the barbecue "Anti-Soviet". Let me remind you that the Forces of Evil were then put to shame, the sign was removed, and Vladimir Ivanovich emerged victorious. I wrote about this case. He also wrote about some details of the biography of the main Defender of Good and Justice.

Let me remind you that Vladimir Ivanovich Soviet time graduated with the rank of candidate member of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the CPSU, i.е. was in the TOP-25 of the most influential communist functionaries of the USSR. After the collapse of the USSR, Vladimir Ivanovich did not retire, he was a member of the board of directors of Wimm-Bill-Dann, a member of the board of directors of Norilsk Nickel, a laureate of the Moscow Legend of the Century award, and chairman of the Council of Veterans. Well, and so on.

I had already forgotten about this glorious man. Maybe, I thought, he is no longer alive. And then after all - in 1924 a person was born, 87 years ago. Is it a joke? And if he is still alive, then what can he do, except sit in a rocking chair, drool and shit on himself. However, I forgot the good old phrase "nails should be made of these people." Candidates for members of the Politburo are such human material that does not leave the stage so quickly. And so, latest news once again riveted my attention to the personality of the “legend of the century”, who was not afraid to destroy the “Anti-Soviet” barbecue. So, what is Vladimir Ivanovich Dolgikh doing now?

And here's what he does.

Vladimir Ivanovich Dolgikh became a deputy of the State Duma of the Russian Federation of the VI convocation. Member of the Industry Committee. Source of information - Official website of the State Duma of the Russian Federation.

Which party, you ask? Yes, from the most remarkable party - from United Russia. From what other party could the "legend of the century" get into the State Duma? And the party is legendary, and the deputies from this party are a legend on a legend.

Actually, what else can be said about this? Yes, absolutely nothing to what I said earlier, namely, that United Russia is exactly the same heir to the CPSU as the Communist Party. United Russia and the Communist Party of the Russian Federation are two sisters who fight each other for their mother's inheritance. United Russia turned out to be more agile. But, in principle, swearing forever with each other, they do not forget that they crawled out of the same womb.

This circumstance is so obvious that I do not consider it necessary to expand on it further. It is not even so important that the more successful sister - "United Russia" - has already given birth to a daughter, "Fair Russia", who, thanks to her mother's efforts, also lives well. That is, for lovers of figurative comparisons and simplified schemes, I give such a clear family picture of modern Russian politics:

The CPSU is the progenitor.

United Russia and the Communist Party of the Russian Federation are her daughters. Moreover, United Russia was able to seize the maternal inheritance, pushing aside the more stupid Communist Party, from time to time allocating pieces of the maternal inheritance so as not to be very angry.

"Fair Russia" - the daughter of "ER" and the granddaughter of the CPSU. Moreover, "Fair Russia" is equally warm to his mother (ER) and his aunt (KPRF). Well, it is clear that the whole family is very warm towards their ancestor - the CPSU.

What? LDPR? Well, how would you explain? Well, we need to create some kind of sump for all kinds of idlers, whose tongues are without bones. This is what the LDPR is. The Liberal Democratic Party was created to implement the good old saying: "Meli, Emelya, your week." She doesn't need anything else. And of course, the Liberal Democratic Party has nothing to do with the legacy of the Ancestor - the CPSU. I don’t know, the LDPR deputies themselves realize that they play and will play only one role - the “sixth creep”, but Vladimir Volfovich understands everything perfectly. That's why sometimes his eyes are so sad. For all the same, don’t say anything, but it’s hard to play the role of a host in the house of rich sisters all your life. It seems that they are fed regularly (the post of Deputy Chairman of the State Duma of the Russian Federation can be thrown from the master's table, though not the first), but still sometimes you need to dance Kamarinsky. And in general, you understand very well - all the squabbling over the maternal inheritance does not concern you. Whatever they decide among themselves, you still don’t get anything but a corner in the closet.

Here, in fact, I hope, is the political alignment of party life modern Russia clear. If not in detail, then in general terms it should be clear.

But I began my reasoning with the personality of the "legend of the century", i.e. with V.I. Dolgikh, who, on the threshold of his 90th birthday, suddenly became a deputy of the State Duma of the Russian Federation. And here I will allow myself to indulge in some reasoning, which I usually condemn. Namely, I will take upon myself the sin of conspiracy.

To begin with, let's ask ourselves this question: who even came up with the idea to shove an 87-year-old old man into the State Duma deputy, who, it is possible, will twist his flippers not today or tomorrow. No, really? No matter how strong the fighter against anti-Soviet barbecue houses is, 87 years is an age. Imagine such a heartbreaking picture: there is a plenary session, Mr. Naryshkin (who does not know - this is the new chairman of the State Duma of the Russian Federation) gives the floor to the next deputy and suddenly there is noise, din in the hall. What's happened? Why, they say Vladimir Ivanovich is dead. How did he die? Why did he die? I did not give such instructions! Mr. Naryshkin is surprised. And he answered: yes, he died of old age, it's time already. Just imagine how the dead Vladimir Ivanovich will be pulled out of the meeting room. It's embarrassing. And at his age, such an assumption is not so unrealistic.

Well, in such a situation, how can one put such an ancient old man in the State Duma as a deputy? Do United Russia have few candidates for a deputy sinecure? No, I don't think so much. However, a place was found for Vladimir Ivanovich. So they respect. And how they respect.

Now watch my hands carefully to understand what real conspiracy is.

So, the former candidate member of the Politburo at the age of 87, contrary to all logic, becomes a deputy of the State Duma. And what was in the Soviet hierarchy for such a title - a candidate member of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the CPSU?

The USSR, let me remind you, was a country in which the power was usurped by the communists. Despite the fact that formally the USSR in terms of state structure was exactly the same country as, say, France or the United States - it had a council of ministers, a parliament, a supposedly independent judiciary, etc. etc., but in fact all power was concentrated in the hands of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the CPSU. The Politburo consisted of a dozen (approximately) communists who, over many years of intrigue and internal party struggle, were able to rise to the very top of power in the CPSU, and, therefore, in the USSR. The CPSU was blinded by Comrade Stalin, who, if anyone remembers, studied at a theological seminary as a child and should have known the internal structure of the Church quite well, at least. Therefore, it is not surprising that Comrade Stalin's structure of the CPSU turned out to be one to one similar to the structure of the Church. At the top is the most important bishop, the Patriarch (General Secretary), next to him is a circle of especially trusted and authoritative bishops - the Holy Synod (Politburo). Moreover, the Holy Synod consists of permanent and temporary members. Similarly, the Politburo consisted of members and candidate members of the Politburo. Well, then, below, went all sorts of exarchates, dioceses, parishes, monasteries, etc. (krai committees, regional committees, district committees, primary cells of the CPSU).

Imagine what would happen if power in the USSR were concentrated not in the hands of a political party, but in the hands of the Russian Orthodox Church? Then, as is obvious, the whole life in the country would be controlled by the Patriarch. And the members of the Synod would help him. And the word of a member of the Synod, his authority would not be much lower than the word of the Patriarch. At the same time, there would be no particularly fundamental difference whether it was a permanent or temporary member of the Synod. Anyway, for all the lower levels it would be an indisputable authority and his word would be law.

Now suppose that for some reason - for example, for the convenience of managing the flock in the context of world civilizational changes - the unified ROC decided to split into several formally independent local Churches. What would happen then? And then, as you might guess, the Holy Synod would have to come up with some scheme, according to which the overall religious leadership remains in the hands of the Synod anyway. The word of the representative of this secret Synod is the law for all other Churches and all its “children”. Rather, the “children” should not know that there is a single supreme Synod, but they can believe that the local Churches are now independent of each other and determine their own development strategy (sorry, for using such terminology). And the Synod, of course, is headed by the most trusted Elder.

And who should this Most Authoritative Elder be? Yes, in principle, no matter who. After all, the internal structure of the Holy Synod, which had gone into the shadows, remained the same. The Holy Synod and its power are not spelled out in any way in any legislative acts, in the Constitution of the state, etc., but every initiate understands that the system has remained the same - all power is in the hands of the Holy Synod, and everything else is pure decoration.

Well, now back to reality. So, there was once the CPSU, which had full power in the country. Then the CPSU, for some reason, decided to put on a puppet show for little fools: "multi-party system." According to the hypothetical scheme drawn above, in this system, members of the former Politburo of the Central Committee of the CPSU still had to control the entire political map. Let's see.

Who became the president of the Russian Federation? That's right - a candidate member of the Politburo (Yeltsin). I will note in parentheses that for the subordinates, the difference between a member and a candidate member of the Politburo was minimal, because everyone understood that a candidate walks in candidates only until one of the members dies, and then he is automatically “introduced” into the Politburo. Therefore, from the point of view of the management system, which I schematically showed, a member of the Politburo and a candidate member of the Politburo were almost equal figures.

Since the processes were ambiguous, in fact, that is why the Synod / Politburo went for such transformations. Therefore, not everything worked out right away. For example, Ukraine, Belarus and a number of other republics initially received leaders who were formally independent from the Politburo. But, for example, Kazakhstan received a "whole" member of the Politburo - Nazarbayev (who, as recent events have shown, is sitting very firmly so far). Georgia floundered a little, played democracy and got an old trusted member of the Politburo - Shevardnadze. By the way, what is the reason for the furious hatred of the modern political power in Georgia on the part of official Russia? I am far from saying something warm about Saakashvili. But one thing is clear - he has nothing to do with the Politburo and, in fact, overthrew the power of a member of the Politburo. Which, of course, the remaining members of the Politburo could not be regarded otherwise than as a terrible sin, the perpetrator of which must be destroyed.

Well, what about Russia? Let me remind you that on December 31, 1999, the current President of the Russian Federation and the "former" candidate member of the Politburo B.N. Yeltsin appointed V.V. Putin as the new president. Something similar a little earlier - in 1989 - was made by the Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping, who resigned from all official posts. But who ruled China? Yes, in principle, the same Dan. Similarly, Russia, formally headed by V.V. Putin, actually remained under the control of B.N. Yeltsin, the “former” candidate for membership in the Politburo. And Puti was engaged in secondary affairs. For example, at the beginning of 2000, in a strange way, the aluminum industry was redistributed according to new rules (Abramovich, Deripaska, etc. surfaced), and the old aluminum kings lost all their property. How so? Putin was asked a question about this. Putin got off with indistinct muttering. He perfectly understood his role in 2000 - pure decoration.

By the way, in 1996 presidential elections were held. Many were sure that the leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation G. Zyuganov won them. But he was allegedly afraid to challenge the election results and recognized Yeltsin's victory. Those who think that Zyuganov got scared understand nothing about the internal structure of the CPSU. And in the CPSU, the right to one or another act was completely determined by the level of the hierarchy at which this or that functionary was located. So, what was the “struggle” between Yeltsin and Zyuganov in 1996 from the point of view of the CPSU hierarchy?

Yeltsin was a candidate member of the Politburo, that is, in fact, a celestial. And Zyuganov? Deputy head of department in the Central Committee of the CPSU, i.e. hardware bipod. From the point of view of the party hierarchy, the "struggle" between Yeltsin and Zyuganov was like some abbot of a monastery on Solovki fighting the Patriarch. Incomparable values. So Zyuganov was not afraid, but simply acted clearly within the framework of the ethics and discipline of the CPSU. Every communist cricket knows his hearth. And your ceiling of ambition.

Well, what about Putin? Who was Putin in the USSR in terms of all this rigid communist hierarchy? Yes, in principle, no one. Just dust.

What was the KGB? From point of view common man or Western journalists, the KGB is a terrible law enforcement agency capable of anything. And from the point of view of the functionaries of the CPSU?

Officially, this structure was called the State Security Committee under the Council of Ministers of the USSR. That is, in fact, it was one of the Committees included in the government and subordinate to the Prime Minister (Chairman of the Council of Ministers). But it's formal. But in reality, the KGB was "a sharp punishing sword in the hands of the party", i.e. completely subordinated to the leadership of the CPSU. Yu.V. Andropov, for example, was himself a member of the Politburo, and all employees were either members of the Komsomol or the CPSU. Non-party people in the ranks of the KGB of the USSR could not be by default.

So, who was a petty KGB officer for a candidate member of the Politburo in the light of party discipline and hierarchy? No one. Yeltsin, of course, according to some of his internal ideas about Good and Evil, constantly brought people closer to him, who had nothing to do with the nomenklatura of the CPSU. From the point of view of the hard-boiled party apparatchiks, who concentrated mainly in the Communist Party of the Russian Federation in the 90s, this was a big sin. And although the old apparatus of the Central Committee of the CPSU is almost in full force continued its work under a new sign - the Administration of the President of the Russian Federation - between the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and Yeltsin there were constant mutual graters about the fact that Yeltsin makes appointments "out of order". But in any case, the very fact that Yeltsin was a candidate member of the Politburo (that is, a member of the Holy Synod), the party apparatchiks reconciled with reality.

Did Vladimir Putin get real power in 2000? No I did not receive it. Yeltsin continued to control everything. The highest officials of the state, appointed by Yeltsin, made reports to Putin as president, and in the evening they went to Yeltsin's dacha and repeated the same reports, and, in fact, it was there that everything was decided. Of course, gradually Yeltsin gave more and more freedom to Putin as president. Or maybe Yeltsin was simply tired of this whole carousel - Boris Nikolaevich was generally a rather unusual person for the Politburo. Be that as it may, Putin began to gradually get rid of the people who were appointed by Yeltsin. But if the people appointed by Yeltsin were legitimate in the eyes of the old CPSU party bureaucracy (and the Komsomol, by the way, too). The people appointed directly by Putin did not have such legitimacy in the eyes of this layer. Putin did not rely on the nomenklatura as such, but on his friends and people from the KGB. And the KGB, from the point of view of the party nomenklatura, was servants all the way, having no right to claim power in the party (and, therefore, in the country). I hope I have convincingly shown that the main active force modern Russian politics remains the party bureaucracy from the CPSU and the Komsomol, and not at all from the KGB. But I'll expand on this idea a bit more.

And here we come to the most interesting. This is where the conspiracy theory actually begins.

In a previous post, I asked myself: what, in fact, is the period from 2008 to 2011 different from the period from 2004 to 2008? There doesn't seem to be much difference. But a sensitive barometer in the form of a "famous blogger" suddenly changed "his point of view." In 2007, Putin suited him so well that he was ready to give him at least six terms in a row (we will omit the question that nothing at all depends on the will of famous bloggers), but today, in 2011, he does not suit him. What happened?

What happened was that in April 2007, Yeltsin died, that is, the one who legitimized Putin in the eyes of the party nomenklatura. And Putin has already begun to play completely by his own rules. He tried to perform exactly the same somersault as Yeltsin once did with him - that is, he appointed a formal president, continuing to hold all the threads in his hands government controlled. However, even here he apparently understood that he would not be able to completely repeat this. It was Yeltsin or Deng Xiaoping who could give up all positions altogether, but not lose power. And Putin decided to play it safe, leaving behind the post of prime minister. But Putin and Yeltsin, in the eyes of the party elite, are incomparable figures. As they say, Jupiter is allowed... Yeltsin could have entered the State Duma podium drunk and urinated right into the hall. And then everyone would be wiped out. For Yeltsin was - a candidate member of the Politburo, that is, a member of the Holy Synod. And who is Putin? Nobody, and there is no way to call him. Yes, he also brought a bunch of Chekists to the very top. And the party elite always despised the Chekists. She was afraid (she remembered very well the Stalinist purges), but at the same time she despised her. For example, the late Brezhnev no longer trusted the KGB, and in all places where the guards were supposed to be, both the KGB representative and the Ministry of Internal Affairs stood / sat. For reliability

So what process started in the end? And here is this one: the Holy Synod came to the conclusion that "they had indulged and woken up." The process of demonizing Putin has begun. And it's not that Putin didn't have sins worth kicking him for. And the fact is that he had all these sins before, but "it was not evident." And then all of a sudden everyone started to notice.

In general, it should be noted that the party elite always deals with people from the special services easily and gracefully. At one time, without any effort, Yagoda and Yezhov were sent to the next world. Someone can say that only the evil genius of Stalin could so easily cope with the all-powerful people's commissars of internal affairs. Nothing happened. After the death of Stalin, the formidable Beria was dumped and shot without any effort. Shelepin also lost the struggle for power to Brezhnev (although at first he was predicted to be almost the new General Secretary). Part of the Central Committee of the CPSU stood behind Andropov, but as soon as he began to shake things up so much that the strings were drawn to Grishina (secretary of the CPSU MGK) and other responsible people, he, the once formidable Chairman of the KGB of the USSR, suddenly died from numerous diseases. Moreover, such things in the party-bureaucratic system are typical not only for the USSR. One can, for example, recall how Himmler lost the struggle for power (albeit already very ephemeral) to Bormann.

Well, here is some Putin. Moreover, Putin himself highlighted all his people, putting them in key positions. That is, he made them objects of criticism and put them under attack. Although an apparatchik like Yeltsin would have acted differently, for example, he would have appointed officials "to be devoured", i. he would put it up for the duration of the unpopular reform, and then, for the amusement of the crowd, he would take it off and still shout at him and stomp his feet.

Okay, I'll round up. What is happening now? Nomenclature revenge. Moreover, it is all the more easily given to the Holy Synod, since Putin himself prepared everything for this and dug his own grave. And what is most remarkable, the circumstances are developing so well for the Holy Synod that it is easy and without any exaggeration to blame the US State Department for all the unrest. Moreover, the United States, with its constant statements, only facilitates this task. This is a classic hardware game - to remove a piece from the board with someone else's hands. And then these "foreign hands" can be chopped off easily and effortlessly.

And in this sense, the appearance in the State Duma of the 87-year-old "former" member of the Holy Synod is at least symbolic. Of course, you can give free rein to your imagination and assume that Dolgikh is the main beholder from the Holy Synod (he behaves painfully grey). But this is where readers can draw their own conclusions. Moreover, the activation of MS Gorbachev (the “former” General Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU!) has already been forgotten by everyone! also requires reflection.

Actually, I spoke.

Yes, I almost forgot. Who am I for? Here in this fight - the Holy Synod vs. Putin, but rather on the side of Putin and I wish him victory. No matter how disgusting Putin's "capitalism of friends", but the nomenklatura revenge of the communist bastards is even more disgusting for me. Look at Comrade Dolgikh's snout very carefully. This collective party snout wants to nestle again on the neck of the people. In fact, it has almost nested and is acting more and more arrogantly.

Only a loafer, who understands nothing about politics, could come up with the nickname "Party of crooks and thieves" for United Russia. If it were that simple, then there would be nothing to worry about. It is very easy to knock off a party of crooks and thieves. But the horror is that "United Russia" is the flesh of the flesh of the CPSU. United Russia is the party of Dolgikh and his offspring. Figuratively speaking, of course. But anyway.

And the funny thing is that at the anti-Putin rally, which is to be held on December 24, there will be a lot of shouting about Putin, about the party of crooks and thieves, about the strangulation of freedom of speech (I am silent about the fact that Ostankino has always been an obedient servant of the Politburo) and about many other things. other. But no one - I guarantee - no one will say what is really important.

Namely, that Russia, in order to get a second wind and begin normal development, must completely decommunize. The CPSU must be recognized as a criminal organization. All former party functionaries must go through special procedures, their every step must be investigated. All those who held managerial positions in district committees and above in the hierarchy of the CPSU and VLKSM should be barred from participating in government. And the top party bosses, such as Dolgikh, should sit not in the Duma chair, but in the dock. I will not a priori assert that Dolgikh is a criminal. Maybe he is an honest person. But for the sake of the future of the country, this must be proved by a public court.

But, I repeat, none of this will be said at the rally. It will be an ordinary empty talking shop - another link in the chain of undercover hardware games. And all this with a haughty smile will be followed by the "legend of the century", Vladimir Ivanovich Dolgikh "and other officials." With which I congratulate all of us.

Vladimir Dolgikh since 1997 - Chairman of the Board of the Moscow Regional public organization"Krasnoyarsk Zemlyachestvo"; since 2002 - Chairman of the Moscow City Council of Veterans; since 2008 - Chairman of the Public Council of Moscow.

Vladimir Dolgikh - full member International Academy information processes and technologies, full member of the International Academy of Sciences of Ecology, Human Security and Nature, Honorary Professor of the Moscow Academy of Finance and Law.

Hero of Socialist Labor (1965, 1984).

The declared income of Vladimir Dolgikh for 2012 amounted to about 4.5 million rubles. Ownership in Russia includes a land plot for individual housing construction with an area of ​​2,000 square meters, a residential building with an area of ​​295.2 square meters, an apartment with an area of ​​102.7 square meters, and a parking lot with an area of ​​17 square meters.

The material was prepared on the basis of information from RIA Novosti and open sources

Dolgikh Vladimir Ivanovich - Soviet Russian statesman; Director of the Norilsk Mining and Metallurgical Plant named after A.P. Zavenyagin; candidate member of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee, secretary of the CPSU Central Committee.

Born on December 5, 1924 in the village of Ilanskoye (now the city of Ilansky) of the Krasnoyarsk Territory in the family of an employee of the USSR state security agencies. Russian. Member of the CPSU (b) / CPSU since 1942. Studied at high school No. 61, where he was the head of the council of the pioneer organization of the school, the secretary of the Komsomol organization.

In the Red Army since 1941. Member of the Great Patriotic War. Having added a year to himself, he volunteered for the army. With a marching company he was sent to the Western Front, where at that time there was a battle near Moscow. He was enlisted in the 25th Rifle Regiment of the 6th Guards Rifle Division, and was soon appointed political commissar of a company of anti-tank rifles. February 9, 1943 in a battle in the Oryol region was seriously wounded. At the beginning of 1944 he was commissioned from the army.

After graduating preparatory Course, entered the Irkutsk Mining and Metallurgical Institute, graduating with honors in 1949. Since 1949, he has been in engineering and technical positions: he began working at the Krasnoyarsk refinery (now a non-ferrous metal plant). For ten years, he professionally grew from a shift supervisor and a technologist to a shop manager, then he became the chief engineer of the enterprise.

In 1958-1962 he was chief engineer, and in 1962-1969 he was director of the Norilsk Mining and Metallurgical Plant named after A.P. Zavenyagin (now OJSC MMC Norilsk Nickel). The period of V.I.Dolgikh’s leadership saw the second birth of the city of Norilsk and the plant, since it was V.I.Dolgikh who took responsibility, risking his career, without waiting for the result of the examination of the State Commission, to throw the builders into a breakthrough on the uninhabited bank of the Norilka River. It was under him that an industrial region was formed and began to develop rapidly (hydropower, gas production, transport hubs, the extension of maritime navigation, the construction industry, and cultural institutions). During this time, Talnakh, Messoyakha, Salt and Tukhard appeared on the industrial "maps". As a result of the development of the richest Talnakh deposit, the Norilsk Combine repeatedly increased the smelting of nickel and copper.

By the Decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR of December 4, 1965, for outstanding achievements in fulfilling tasks to increase the production of non-ferrous metals and achieving high technical and economic indicators at the Norilsk Mining and Metallurgical Combine named after A.P. Zavenyagin Dolgikh Vladimir Ivanovich He was awarded the title of Hero of Socialist Labor with the Order of Lenin and the Hammer and Sickle gold medal.

In 1969 he was elected First Secretary of the Krasnoyarsk Regional Committee of the CPSU. During the three years of party leadership of the region, he did a lot to create its powerful economic, defense, scientific and cultural potential. The name of V.I. Dolgikh is associated with the so-called “Krasnoyarsk Decades”, which allowed the economy of the region to develop in an integrated manner and focus on its own capabilities. The contribution of V.I. Dolgikh to the development of the fuel and energy base of the USSR, and above all Western Siberia, is very significant.

Since 1972, he was transferred to Moscow in connection with his election as Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU. In 1976-1984, at the same time, he was the head of the Department of the Central Committee of the CPSU, and since May 24, 1982, a candidate member of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the CPSU. Huge, associated with great tension and dedication, many-sided work in the interests of the Soviet state and its people, strengthening the might of the USSR received a high state assessment.

By the Decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR of December 4, 1984, for outstanding services as a candidate member of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee and Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee, and in connection with his sixtieth birthday, he was awarded the Order of Lenin and the second gold medal "Hammer and Sickle".

Since September 30, 1988, V.I. Dolgikh has been retired. He conducts a lot of public work as chairman of the Moscow City Council of War and Labor Veterans. He is a member of the Board of Directors of OJSC MMC Norilsk Nickel. Since 1997, he has been the permanent chairman of the board of the Moscow regional public organization Krasnoyarsk Zemlyachestvo. In 2004 he was elected a member of the Moscow city coordinating council of regional communities.

Deputy of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR of the 7th-11th convocations (in 1966-1989), deputy of the State Duma of the Russian Federation of the 6th convocation (in 2011-2013), member of the Federation Council of the Russian Federation (since 2013).

Lives and works in the Hero City of Moscow.

He was awarded the Soviet 6 Orders of Lenin (06/09/1961, 12/04/1965, 08/25/1971, 12/13/1972, 12/4/1974, 12/4/1984), 2 Orders of the Patriotic War of the 1st degree (05/06/1965, 04/23/1985), Russian orders "For Merit to the Fatherland" 1st (07.21.2014) and 4th (12.28.2009) degrees, Friendship (8.08.2005), medals, as well as orders and medals of foreign states, including the Orders of Victorious February ( 03/19/1985, Czechoslovakia), Georgy Dimitrov (Bulgaria), Sukhe-Bator (Mongolia).

Doctor technical sciences, Professor. Honored with a number honorary titles, including "Honorary Power Engineer of the USSR" and "Honorary Builder of Russia". Laureate of the Moscow Government Prize "Legend of the Century" (2006). He was awarded the badge "Miner's Glory" 1st degree, the Gold Medal named after A.M. Lavrentiev (2003).

Honorary citizen of Moscow (03/31/2010) and Norilsk (06/30/2009), as well as the Krasnoyarsk Territory (10/22/2004).

December 5 marks the 80th anniversary of the candidate member of the Politburo and Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSUVladimir Dolgikh.The chairman of the Moscow City Council of Veterans told the observer of Vlast about a long life in big politicsEvgeny Zhirnov.
"Khrushchev is sitting, spinning in his chair, his eyes closed"
- Vladimir Ivanovich, how did you become secretaries of the Central Committee of the CPSU?
- The leaders of the party and government knew me well. I worked as the director of the Norilsk Combine, and I often came into contact with Alexei Nikolaevich Kosygin. He came to Norilsk, we had a lot of meetings with him in Moscow. The development of the production of non-ferrous and precious metals was a matter of national scale. Investments made it possible to provide the country with nickel, copper and platinum metals, so the plant was taken very seriously. In February 1964, I had a meeting with Khrushchev on this issue.
— Did he come to Norilsk?
- Not. During a trip to Tselinograd, he announced that he would fly to Norilsk. We prepared for half a year, the airfield was built, posters were hung out "dear Nikita Sergeevich." And here in the Crimea, during our vacation, the leader of the Italian Communist Party, Palmiro Togliatti, died, and Khrushchev flew there. And we got into a helicopter and went fishing.
He was generally a somewhat chaotic person. We met in 1964. Prior to that, he had been told a lot about the development of the Norilsk plant. He promised several times to receive me. Then the Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR Pyotr Fyodorovich Lomako called me and said: "Come, we seem to have agreed. Khrushchev will receive you." I come to Moscow, I come to Lomako. He calls Khrushchev, and I hear an unpleasant conversation: "Comrade Lomako, I am also a man, I have my own plans. Well, I can’t accept you from Dolgikh!" There is nothing to do, I'm going on business to the committee of metallurgy. And there they are already running towards me: "Urgently return to Lomako!" And he says that Khrushchev changed his mind and we are going to him.
He greeted us warmly. He sits, rotates in a chair, closed his eyes. I began to tell him, he does not respond. Then he began to turn on, ask questions, and we talked for about an hour. And at three o'clock the Presidium of the Central Committee was to be held. He says: "Well, write a note to the Presidium." And I have a note. "From the young," he says, "and the early ones." I read the note. Immediately included the issue on the agenda of the Presidium. That's how energetically he took on any business, but he tried to cover everything at once, and sometimes it turned out out of place. Somehow they invited me to the Central Committee and showed me a note dictated by them. It says that he had Lomako and the director of the Norilsk Combine and raised such and such a question. And the question is from the field of ferrous metallurgy, and we could not raise it. Why he attributed this to us, I do not know.
- You said that Kosygin flew to Norilsk. Just as messy?
— No, he was a thorough person. But he flew to Norilsk only for a day. "I don't have any more time," he says. I explain to him: "What day? It takes 15 days to get to know the plant briefly. Stay at least for three or four days." He refused. But when we looked at some objects, he agreed to stay. And having looked, he decided to lay a gas pipeline to the plant.

"Brezhnev poured a glass of brandy, drank and drove back"
- But Kosygin did not nominate the secretaries of the Central Committee.
- Personnel issues of the party were completely in the hands of the General Secretary of the Central Committee, which Brezhnev became. To be honest, I did not want to leave for Moscow. I was elected secretary of the Krasnoyarsk Regional Committee. Lots of work, interesting work. We put forward the idea of ​​a comprehensive development of the productive forces of the region, which possessed colossal energy resources. Brezhnev supported. This question was considered at the Politburo with my report.
So I didn't want to go anywhere. I knew that Mikhail Sergeevich Solomentsev, Secretary of the Central Committee for Heavy Industry, was appointed Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR, but that the question arose about me as his successor, I did not even suspect. Brezhnev was very scrupulous about personnel. He included me in his delegation to the congress of the Polish United Workers' Party and took a closer look. Then he himself flew to Krasnoyarsk, looked at the region. He was in a good mood, joked, told a lot of jokes. Do you know what really surprised me then? He had a small notebook with him, where he made some notes. So, after a trip around the region, he wrote out some numbers from it on a piece of paper, and with this piece of paper in his hands for an hour and a half, he spoke very efficiently and sensibly at our asset. After this meeting, the question of my transfer to Moscow was resolved.
How did you feel in the new place?
— It was quite difficult. It was necessary to understand what is possible, what is impossible and inappropriate. In Moscow, the table of ranks was important. Where how to stand up, where how to sit down - there was an exact order in everything. To which country a party delegation should be headed by a member of the Politburo, to which - a candidate member, and where the secretary of the Central Committee could also go at the head of the delegation.
- Brezhnev did not help you get used to?
- Helped. I once called with me to Zavidovo. I arrive and he wonders why I don't have anything hunting. He, it turns out, invited me to hunt. They equipped me. And he himself took me to the tower. I see he has a special gun. We sat on the tower, he began to explain to me how to hunt here. Suddenly, somewhere there was a grunt. A small boar came out. Brezhnev kissed, once - and that's it. "Now," he says, "it is necessary to sip like a huntsman." He poured a small glass of cognac and drank. And we drove back. So, I got hooked.
- Did you hunt often?
- Occasionally. There were no mass outings. Two or three people called. I spoke with the secretaries of the Central Committee Katushev and Kapitonov: "Well, shall we go hunting on Sunday?" If there was nothing emergency, they packed up and drove off. Zavidovo - it was for the general secretary. And we went to Barsuki. I am more of a fisherman than a hunter. But I managed to get out to fish only in the summer, when I was resting in Sochi. We went to Shevardnadze in Georgia to go fishing. But for the most part, there was no time for fishing or hunting. Judge for yourself. In the Central Committee, I had to deal with a large number of industries: ferrous and non-ferrous metallurgy, geology, oil, gas industry, coal industry, Gosgortekhnadzor, construction, all energy, railway, water transport, etc. Everywhere the role of the Central Committee was very large.
- And how were the decisions of the Central Committee made?
- The issue was discussed and prepared in the relevant department. Then they discussed with me. Then I spoke with that of the secretaries of the Central Committee who would chair the meetings of the Secretariat—with Suslov or Kirilenko. Suslov was the chief of staff of the Central Committee. He formed the agenda of the Secretariat and the Politburo. His opinion has always been significant. And I don't know of a subject that he doesn't understand. The most experienced in that composition of the leadership of the party. A humble person on his own. He and I were part of the delegation at the party congress in the GDR. So, as soon as we were seen off and the plane flew to Moscow, he immediately took out the remaining currency from his pocket and handed it over to his assistant.
I did not have a warm relationship with Andrei Pavlovich Kirilenko, with Suslov they were much better. Kirilenko oversaw the general economy - Gosplan, Gossnab. But he was in charge of transport, energy, so our areas intersected. We prepared some questions together. We agreed that we would take this matter to the Secretariat, for example. But there was no warmth. Maybe because Kirilenko saw me as his successor. He developed sclerosis, it was hard for him to speak, he forgot many words.
- That is, in order for a decision to be made, it was necessary to agree with Suslov or Kirilenko. And the rest of the secretaries, for whom the question was non-core, did not mind?
- If it was about purely special issues, then, as a rule, no. If the question concerned the population of some territories, other secretaries of the Central Committee participated in the discussion. But the opinion of the profile secretary was considered dominant.
- Have you considered the government?
- I prepared questions in close contact with the ministries and the government. I had very good relations with Nikolai Alexandrovich Tikhonov, Chairman of the Council of Ministers. We contacted, he asked me to come and take part in the consideration of issues. I could argue with him, but we always understood and supported each other.

"Ustinov and the company did not let us access these materials"
— But erroneous decisions were still made?
- There were shortcomings - and the quality of products was lame, and our penchant for gigantomania did not bring any benefit in the construction of enterprises.
- There was another overlap - in the direction of the defense industry.
- Brezhnev said that he had two main directions - the rise of agriculture and defense. And he kept these two directions. I oversaw the industries that provided the defense industry. We, for example, had to have a nosebleed, but ensure the supply of special alloys to them. They dominated.
- Brezhnev did not understand that this was being done to the detriment of the country?
“We have always had a tradition of admiring the leader, and no one dared to condemn what the first person does. And then, until 1976, Brezhnev was very active and efficient. And after the stroke, when he had changed a lot, everyone expected that he was about to get better. And then everyone got used to it. After all, he was not malicious, did not make repressive personnel decisions, and this suited everyone.
- And in the end we had a stagnation.
- The stagnation was in personnel, not in industry. Not a single industry works, gaining momentum all the time. It develops in waves. Capital is leaving the area where there is overproduction, and in the defense industry we had overproduction. When general secretary became Andropov, he raised the question that it is necessary to transfer funds and resources to civilian sectors. It was entrusted to Gorbachev, Ryzhkov and me to deal with this matter. We were considered youngsters in the Central Committee, and Andropov trusted us. But we, in fact, were not allowed to access these materials.
— Marshal Ustinov?
- And the company. The defense industries had colossal scientific developments. But many developments that were interesting for the civilian sphere after testing were recognized as unsuitable for the army, written off and not transferred anywhere. We saw a colossal overproduction of military equipment.
- Why didn't they let you in?
- Not us, they did not allow transfer national economy advanced technologies. It was said that many secrets were tied to it. Take, for example, the issue of airfields. Why couldn't military airfields be used for civilian purposes? In many countries there is such sharing, and this provides serious savings. But the military was against it. Then there was a strong caste of large military men. These were honored people, but they were accustomed to their special position in the country and believed that it should be so. Perhaps this could be changed. But Andropov very soon fell very ill.
"Tikhonov and I did not miss Yeltsin"
- But after all, the fight against stagnation in personnel began quite soon - with Gorbachev's coming to power.
- In general, everyone understood that the need for change was ripe. The party became seriously isolated in itself, did not enter into a dialogue with the population. Many people joined the party for careerist reasons. The party needed a serious purge, and the cadres needed to be updated.
- In those years, Yeltsin appeared in Moscow. He headed the construction department of the Central Committee, which was under your control.
- For a while, yes. He was twice nominated to Moscow, and both times I was against it. We knew his sharp character, and rumors reached me that he was drinking. He was recommended by the minister, but Tikhonov and I fought to the death and did not let him through. And when the post of head of the construction department was vacated, Yeltsin's candidacy arose again. I slowed him down again. But Tikhonov was already retired, and my opinion was not taken into account. The majority were in favor of his nomination. And I was instructed to talk to him.
Did you have differences with Gorbachev on other issues as well?
“The point of our disagreement was that the destruction began without creating anything in this place. It was proposed to liquidate this or that ministry. What instead of him, no one says and does not know. They say: "Let's introduce the election of directors of enterprises." But we understood that it is not always expedient and justified. For example, chief railway. He has about 300 thousand people at his disposal. Who should elect him and how? Unclear. Or nuclear power plant. Is it possible to entrust it to some screamers who were eager to be leaders? Moreover, I, and Ryzhkov, and Slyunkov opposed it. The argument against us was this: "Look who is against - the former directors of enterprises. Dolgikh - the director of the Norilsk plant, Ryzhkov - "Uralmash", Slyunkov - a large plant in Belarus. They protect their own."
My good working relationship with Tikhonov irritated Gorbachev. Some people close to Gorbachev at that time later wrote that he said: they say, these old people are pulling Dolgikh to them, they want to make a leader out of him.
- Many believed that after Tikhonov was sent into retirement, you would be the chairman of the USSR Council of Ministers. And Gorbachev appointed Nikolai Ryzhkov.
- I found out about these moods later - that I seemed to be quoted for the prime minister. This question is very subjective. With whom it is easier, more convenient, easier for the Secretary General, the head of state to work, he chooses. And Gorbachev and I had quite a lot of arguments.
- The arguments ended with the fact that he began to squeeze you out.
- Yes. In general, yes.
And how did he leave you?
- Before the meeting of the Politburo, he invited me to his place. He says: "Now Demichev, Solomentsev are leaving for a well-deserved rest. Probably, it's time for you too." I answer: "Sixty-three years is probably not old age. But if the Politburo thinks so, what can I do?"
— Do you remain a staunch opponent of perestroika?
There are no personal offenses here. The current government is also beginning to think. She follows the same path as we did. What is United Russia? ruling party. The presidential administration is the same Central Committee of the CPSU. They disavowed the nomenklatura, and now they are returning to it.

With the help of the publisherVAGRIUS "POWER"presents a series of historical materials

The confrontation between the head of the district council "Begovoy" and the owners of the legendary barbecue "Anti-Soviet" lasted for three days. Its result was the dismantling of the sign, which was demanded by the head of the council Vladimir Shtukaturov, referring to the complaint of Moscow veterans, among whom are - former secretary Central Committee of the CPSU Vladimir Dolgikh.

- We have not received any official confirmation that the sign is illegal, - says the general director of the Anti-Soviet barbecue Alexander Vanin. - Today we received a letter from the Association of Administrative and Technical Inspections that the sign will be dismantled forcibly if we do not remove it by tomorrow. This is legally illegal: the forced dismantling of the sign is at the discretion of the court, it takes at least three months. The conflict lasts for three days. The only reason for dismantling the sign is a letter from veterans, more precisely, a veteran. According to the head of the council, the letter was sent by the veteran Dolgikh, who does not contact us.

Letter Vladimir Ivanovich Dolgikh, in 1972-88, Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU, and now Chairman of the Moscow City Council of Veterans, Prefect of the Northern Administrative District Oleg Mitvol only today was published on the website of the prefecture. In it, Vladimir Dolgikh also refers to complaints - from Muscovites who share with veterans their indignation at the "Anti-Soviet" sign. In the letter, Vladimir Dolgikh asks "to recommend that the directorate of the barbecue house change the name of their institution so as not to irritate that part of the citizens who respect the Soviet period in our history."

Alexander Vanin noted that in April of this year, three months before the opening of the barbecue, large banners "Anti-Soviet" barbecue: opening soon" hung on the windows, and they did not cause discontent even on Victory Day.

“On Victory Day, the banners did not offend the feelings of veterans, the head of the council, the prefect, and on the eve of the elections to the Moscow City Duma, the sign seemed offensive to them,” Alexander Vanin reflects.

“Otherwise, Mr. Mitvol promised to treat this object with passion, said that he would come here personally and do everything possible to close this enterprise,” says Alexander Vanin. – We decided not to unleash an information war and chose the path of minimal losses. We are dismantling the sign - instead of dismantling the enterprise. We are socially responsible to the 60 people who work here and whom we will not leave in the crisis and the era of unemployment. It's just that now "Anti-Soviet" will again become a popular name. Although we did not open an information bureau, not a newspaper - it's just a barbecue, and there is no political background in the name.

Oleg Mitvol in an interview with Radio Liberty neither confirmed nor denied the threat to close the establishment:

- This sign annoyed the veterans, and I told the director that if they do not dismantle the sign, we will dismantle it, and this procedure is prescribed in the law. If they have specific claims, he (director Alexander Vanin. - RS) must voice them and file a lawsuit, - Oleg Mitvol said.

The new official name "Anti-Soviet" has not yet been invented.

“There is nothing anti-Soviet here,” says Igor Makarov about the interior of the barbecue. “Everything here is decorated in memory of Brodsky, Okudzhava, Vysotsky, here they remember that time and respect these people. In Soviet times, such interiors were in sanatoriums and restaurants for members of the Central Committee. The sign carries a light outrageous element - like any restaurant name. And linguists can find fault with the name of each restaurant. But no one canceled the genre of parody.

Today, at two o'clock in the afternoon, they were waiting in the barbecue for the head of the council, who yesterday, according to the owners of Anti-Soviet, promised to personally supervise the dismantling of the sign. However, from the representatives of the city authorities, only Chief Editor prefectural website: cover the event like a journalist. Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU Vladimir Dolgikh, who filed a complaint against the sign, was also nowhere to be seen. The side of the Anti-Soviet critics was represented by another member of the council of veterans of the Begovoy district, who said that he was also Vladimir Ivanovich, but Yelesin, and also had a negative attitude towards the sign.

“There were a lot of positive things under the Soviet regime, although there were negative moments,” explains Vladimir Yelesin. - And we, as veterans, believe that it would be nice to introduce a lot of things now. There was also free education, and science developed, and now it is in an abandoned state. Therefore, "Anti-Soviet" is not a good name.

Prefect Oleg Mitvol is dissatisfied with the fact that the dismantling of the sign caused so much noise.

“They are trying to inflate a serious political story out of this,” says Oleg Mitvol. - Everything is very simple there. Next to the barbecue is the Moscow city ​​organization veterans of the war, and we were approached by veterans in terms of a sign, which some of the veterans evoke negative emotions. You know that many soldiers in the Great Patriotic war went to their death under the slogan "For the Soviet Motherland". They asked to deal with the moment of installation of this sign, and we found out that the sign was without the documents required by Moscow law. Dozens of signs are dismantled because of this, but for some reason everyone paid attention to this one.

In "Anti-Soviet" they do not agree with the claim of Oleg Mitvol and say that the management of the barbecue house has all the documents on the approval of the sign.

Oleg Mitvol specified that he himself was ambivalent about the Soviet regime, had never been a communist, and that his wife's grandparents met in the camps. At the same time, he noted that "ordinary soldiers of that war were unpleasant and hurt" from the sign. He said the veterans had already thanked him.

Oleg Mitvol was dissatisfied with the fact that the sign was not completely dismantled and now it looks like this: "Asoviet".

The conversation with Oleg Mitvol, which began with a discussion of the fate of Anti-Soviet, ended with another topic, which, obviously, worries him more. The prefect of the Northern District suddenly remembered the gay club Soul and Body.

- In Russia, the gay club worked under the guise of the All-Russian Society of the Blind. Do you think this is normal? Oleg Mitvol asked the RS correspondent. - Ten meters from the children's library such an institution! We will seek eviction.

An unconventional turn brought some confusion into the discussion of the topic of the Soviet and anti-Soviet past of Russia, and it remains completely unclear who complained to the council of veterans, who complained to Oleg Mitvol, who did not complain to anyone, took up the matter resolutely, since it distracted him from more important tasks.