Well-known domestic military and political figure. He was a deputy of the State Duma of the second convocation, from 1996 to 1998 he headed the Duma Defense Committee. Got military rank lieutenant general. In 1998, he was found murdered at his own dacha in the Moscow region. According to the official version, his wife shot him, but there are a number of conspiracy theories related to the fact that the general was one of the leaders of the opposition in those years, according to some reports, he was preparing coup d'état in the country in order to remove Boris Yeltsin from the presidency and establish a military dictatorship.

Biography of an officer

Lev Rokhlin was born in 1947. He was born in the small town of Aralsk on the territory of the Kazakh SSR. In the family of his father, a member of the Great Patriotic War, there were three children, the hero of our article turned out to be the youngest of them. The older brother's name was Vyacheslav, and the sister's name was Lydia.

It is believed that his father was a Jew by nationality. Lev Rokhlin, along with his brother and sister, was raised by one mother, the father of the hero of our article left the family when younger son was eight months old.

According to other sources, he was arrested and sent to the Gulag, where he died. Ksenia Ivanovna Goncharova, the mother of the hero of our article, raised three children alone.

In the late 1950s, the family moved to Tashkent. Lev Rokhlin studied at school number 19 in the Old City area on Sheikhantakhur. Having received a secondary education, he went to work at an aircraft factory, after which he was drafted into the army.

Lev Rokhlin received his higher education in the combined arms command school in Tashkent. Graduated with honors like everyone else educational establishments where he studied throughout his life.

Military service

After the Tashkent Military School, the hero of our article was sent to Germany, he served in a group of Soviet troops near the city of Wurzen at the base motorized rifle regiment.

Later he studied at the Frunze Military Academy. From there he was sent to the Arctic. At various stages of his military biography, Lev Rokhlin served in the Turkestan and Transcaucasian military districts, and was a deputy corps commander in Kutaisi.

War in Afghanistan

In 1982, Lev Rokhlin, whose photo is in this article, was sent to serve in Afghanistan, where Soviet troops had been introduced several years earlier.

At first, he went to the city of Fayzabad, located in the province of Badakhshan, where he began to lead a motorized rifle regiment.

In the summer of 1983, he was dismissed from his post as commander for an unsuccessful military operation, at least, the command assessed it unsatisfactorily. He was sent to the post of deputy commander of another motorized rifle regiment, which was based in the city of Ghazni. He managed to recover in his position quite quickly, it took less than a year.

While in Afghanistan, Rokhlin was wounded twice. After being wounded in October 1984, he was evacuated to Tashkent. Having recovered, he remained there in command of a regiment, and then a division.

In 1990, it was Rokhlin who was at the head of the 75th motorized rifle division, which was transferred from the Transcaucasian Military District, which belonged to the Ministry of Defense, to the border troops KGB of the USSR.

Graduated with honors from the Military Academy of the General Staff. Immediately after that, he was appointed commander of the Eighth Army Corps in Volgograd, in parallel, he led the Volgograd garrison.

In Chechnya

In December 1994, Rokhlin was appointed head of the army corps in Chechnya.

It was under the command of the hero of our article that several districts of Grozny were stormed during one of the most famous operations of the First Chechen War in late 1944 - early 1995. In particular, Rokhlin led the assault on the presidential palace.

In mid-January 1995, Lieutenant General Lev Rokhlin and General Ivan Babichev were instructed to establish contacts with Chechen field commanders in order to cease fire.

Returning from a business trip to Chechnya, Rokhlin amazed many colleagues and the public by refusing to accept the title of Hero of Russia for participating in the storming of Grozny and the minimal losses incurred during this operation. He stated that commanders should not seek their glory in a civil war, and Chechnya is Russia's main trouble.

Political career

Rokhlin was a member of the all-Russian political organization Our Home is Russia. In September 1995, he came third on the party's pre-election list.

In December of the same year, he became a deputy of the State Duma of the second convocation. As a result of the vote, "Our Home - Russia" took second place, gaining more than 10% of the vote. Led the movement NDR lost only to the Communists, who were supported by more than 22% of voters.

In January 1996, he joined the relevant faction and headed the Duma Defense Committee.

Own political movement

In September 1997, Rokhlin announced his withdrawal from the Our Home - Russia bloc and the creation of his own political movement, which was called the Movement in Support of the Army, Defense Industry and Military Science, abbreviated as DPA.

In addition to Rokhlin himself, the leadership of the DPA included ex-Minister of Defense Igor Rodionov, former KGB leaders and commander of the Airborne Forces Vladislav Achalov. In May 1998, he was removed from the post of chairman of the Duma Defense Committee.

DPA Rokhlin adhered to the ideology of militocracy. After the murder of the hero of our article, it was headed by Viktor Ilyukhin, Vladimir Komoyedov, Viktor Sobolev.

In the elections to the State Duma in 1999, the DPA participated as an electoral bloc. The first places on the party list were taken by Ilyukhin, Makashov and Savelyev. The bloc took 15th place in the voting, with the support of only half a percent of voters. Its participants did not receive a single mandate in the State Duma.

In opposition to power

In 1997-1998, it was Rokhlin who was considered one of the main oppositionists in Russia. In particular, the publication "Russian Reporter", referring to his colleagues and friends, claimed that the hero of our article was preparing a conspiracy in the country, the purpose of which was to overthrow the country's president, Boris Yeltsin, and establish a military dictatorship.

One of his associates even described a plan according to which Yeltsin himself and his entourage were to be removed from power. It was supposed to arrange a mass rally demanding the resignation of the head of state and government, which were extremely unpopular with the people. It was known that Yeltsin at that time had a firm decision not to resign. Recalling the events in Moscow in 1993, when the parliament was stormed, the conspirators feared a violation of the Constitution and the use of force against the protesters.

Therefore, in the event of such a threat, it was planned to send troops to the capital to protect them. It was noted that Yeltsin carried out an active "purge" of the army, but still Rokhlin managed to find a large number of commanders who promised him support in such a scenario. It is believed that even the oligarch Gusinsky, who wanted to finance the assassination attempt on Yeltsin, offered support to the general. But Rokhlin abandoned this plan.

At the same time, according to General Rokhlin, he nevertheless used the money of the Most group, which belonged to Gusinsky, to finance meetings with the public, as well as to quickly move around the regions by plane. The murder of Rokhlin mixed up all the cards, but an attempt to impeach him was nevertheless carried out, albeit unsuccessfully. It is possible that all this future situation influenced Yeltsin's decision to step down at the end of 1999.

Murder

Rokhlin was found dead at his dacha in the Naro-Fominsk region on the night of July 3, 1998. According to the official version of law enforcement agencies, his wife Tamara shot at the sleeping general because of a family quarrel.

In November 2000, the court found Lev Rokhlin's wife guilty of premeditated murder and sentenced him to 8 years in prison. However, the verdict was then overturned and the case was sent back for a new trial.

In 2005, Tamara Rokhlina applied to the Human Rights Office with a complaint about the long term of pre-trial detention and the delay in the consideration of her case. The complaint was officially satisfied, and she was awarded compensation in the amount of eight thousand euros.

A new trial of the case was completed in the Naro-Fominsk City Court in November 2005. The court again found her guilty of killing the general, sentenced her to four years of probation with a probationary period of two and a half years.

At the stage of investigation of this criminal case, many experts noted a large number of inconsistencies. For example, not far from the crime scene in the forest belt, three charred corpses were found. According to the official version, they died shortly before the murder of the general by his wife, they have nothing to do with this case. At the same time, according to the conspiracy theory, which is followed by most of Rokhlin's supporters, these are the real killers of the officer, who were liquidated by special services associated with the Kremlin.

According to the version put forward by the general's wife herself, Rokhlin's guards could have been involved in his murder. Allegedly, they committed a crime because of the large amount of money that was kept in the house and was supposed to be directed to the activities of the DPA.

In his memoirs, one of Boris Yeltsin's former associates, Mikhail Poltoranin, claims that the decision to physically liquidate Rokhlin was made at the highest level. The decision was made by a narrow circle of people, which included Yeltsin, Yumashev, Voloshin and Dyachenko.

Personal life

The family of Lev Rokhlin was not large. In addition to his wife Tamara, these are two more children - son Igor and daughter Elena. The daughter of Lev Yakovlevich Rokhlin became one of those who openly spoke about the involvement of the authorities in the death of her father.

In the spring of 2016, she gave an extended interview in which she bluntly stated that her father was preparing a military coup in the country. She said that she currently lives in Moscow, not far from her - her mother and brother.

Elena herself has a disability, she is raising two children - a 23-year-old daughter and a 12-year-old son. All free time she devotes public activities, is a member of the Russian National Front. Elena notes that she is faced with the fact that Russian nationalists do not have the media, their own human rights base, in this she is trying to help them. He goes to courts, actively covers the processes.

Together with other activists, the Foundation for the Support of Russian Political Prisoners was organized. Among those whom Elena and her like-minded people are going to help is Vladimir Kvachkov, he is currently in custody on charges of terrorism and organizing an armed rebellion in Russia.

According to Elena, her father was amazed when he saw how voluminous theft was in the country, especially a lot of information began to come in after he was elected to the State Duma. Elena's husband, Rokhlin's assistant Sergei Abakumov, according to her, was privy to the details of the impending coup.

In addition, Rokhlin himself allegedly knew about the impending assassination attempt on him. He was even going to voice it in order to somehow protect himself, but he did not have time. A few days after his death, the general was scheduled to speak in the State Duma about the uranium deal. Uranium, in his opinion, the Russian government sold for next to nothing.

Another version of the death of the hero of our article is associated with the son of Lev Rokhlin. According to some reports, he may also be involved in the murder of his father. At least, such assumptions were made immediately after this tragedy.

In the fall of 2000, during the trial of Tamara Rokhlina, she made sensational statement in court that on the night of her husband's murder, there was another person in the house who had not previously appeared in the case, but who could shed light on what happened. However, he was never presented to the court.

Some journalists then noted that the son of Lev Rokhlin, immediately after the murder of his father, was sent to close relatives. As it became known, Igor suffers from a nervous disease, allegedly he has repeatedly threatened his father with murder. In this regard, a version arose that his illness developed into a serious mental illness, which led to the tragedy. In this case, the contradictory behavior of his mother would be explained. The fact is that immediately after the death of General Tamara Rokhlina pleaded guilty, but later stated that this was the work of unknown killers who forced her to incriminate herself.

The children of Lev Rokhlin for a long time remained under the close supervision of the public and the media. More than 20 years have passed since then, but it is still impossible to say with certainty who killed Rokhlin.

General's biography

The opportunity to get acquainted with the details of the fate of the hero of our article appeared in 1998. It was then that Andrei Vladimirovich Antipov published the book Lev Rokhlin. Life and Death of a General.

On 400 pages, the author assesses the controversial and ambiguous figure of an officer who took part in all military conflicts of recent years, constantly stood out among those around him with his authority and extraordinary statements.

In the book about Lev Rokhlin, the author tries to draw a peculiar line under his life, objectively tell about his fate, give an answer to the riddle of his mysterious death. A real trench general found his place in modern Russian politics, not being afraid of any dangers and difficulties, he always acted ahead. In the book "Lev Rokhlin. The Life and Death of a General," the author notes that his career was cut short on takeoff, at only 51 years old. Most likely, no one will succeed in unraveling the mystery of his death, because he was inconvenient for so many, too big number a wide variety of politicians and influential people were interested in his death.

The book tells in detail about the beginning of the general's career, when he turned into an infantryman or paratrooper, received a deadly lesson from life, fought in Afghanistan, commanded a division in Tbilisi in 1991, then participated in the fight against armed gangs on the territory of the Chechen Republic.

The researcher of his life path is trying to answer the question of how the military general decided to go into politics, what work he did as a deputy of the State Duma. His friends and acquaintances claim that it was in the parliament that he realized that without global and fundamental changes it will never be possible to help the army and the military-industrial complex of Russia. He understood that in an economically weak state there could not be a strong and worthy army. By the summer of 1998, he was actually at the head of a powerful and massive protest movement; political rallies demanding the resignation of the unpopular president and government could begin literally at any moment. Many modern researchers agree that the people saw in Rokhlin a leader who could lead.

January 1995 In Russia, the crisis continues for the third year, caused by the collapse of the USSR and the Gaidar "shock therapy" that followed it. The Russian army is fighting with heavy losses in Grozny, the capital of rebellious Ichkeria. The overwhelming majority of the Russian press is on the side of the Chechens - NTV journalists interview Dudayev in Reskom, Russian troops are openly called occupiers on the air, and in the news stories about killed Russian soldiers replaced interviews with Chechen fighters. One of the few correspondents on federal television who covered the Russian army in Chechnya from the positive side was Alexander Nevzorov. He filmed a report on the positions of the 8th Volgograd Guards Army Corps, which operated in Grozny as part of the Sever group under the command of Lieutenant General Lev Rokhlin. During the New Year's assault, units of the 8th Corps were the only ones from the strike group of federal troops who managed to gain a foothold and hold a foothold in Grozny. Thanks to the Rokhlins, the remnants of the 81st Samara Regiment and the 131st Maikop Brigade were able to get out of the encirclement.

How did the infamous author of "600 seconds" see combat general, whose fighters were the only ones from the group of federal troops who were able to create a foothold in Grozny on the outskirts of Dudayev's Palace? “In cracked glasses, a kind and imperturbable general, in a burning smoky house, under fire from Dudayev’s armored vehicles ...”. In the famous documentary "Hell" there is this episode - the headquarters of the Rokhlin group "North" was really located in the basement of the building shelled by Dudayev's artillery, smoke poured from the windows of the upper floors, while the lens fogged up in the basement - smoke penetrated into the basement. In a burning basement, full of staff fuss, a couple of hundred meters from enemy positions, “affectionate and unflappable,” according to Nevzorov, the general commanded troops that stormed the city of Grozny, which was teeming with militants. It would be fair to say that Nevzorov and Rokhlin found each other - how unique Nevzorov was as a reporter in Russian journalism, how Rokhlin stood out in the army environment. However, the events in Grozny will not be the culmination of the general's life.

Lev Yakovlevich Rokhlin was born on June 6, 1947 in the city of Aralsk, Kazakh SSR, in the family of political exile Yakov Lvovich Rokhlin. The biography of Rokhlin Sr. is interesting - a graduate of Kiev University, in 1933 he was arrested on charges of anti-Soviet agitation and exiled to Kazakhstan, in 1942 he was called to the front, being an ethnic Jew, was captured by the Germans, was able to survive thanks to his knowledge of the Tatar language, in 1946 he was released from Soviet filtration camp and returns to the Kazakh SSR and there he marries Lev Rokhlin's mother, Ksenia Ivanovna Goncharova. From 1946 to 1948, three children were born in the family, the second of which was Lev. In the same 1948, Yakov was arrested again and further traces of him are lost - apparently, he died in the camp. According to another version, Yakov Rokhlin left his family with three children, but even here his further traces are lost. Lev Yakovlevich himself in the program “Politper Sharks” in 1998 claimed that the Jewish father had abandoned his family after all. In the future, when Lev Yakovlevich goes into politics, ill-wishers will more than once remember his Jewish origin.

It was very hard for a single mother with three children to live in a post-war peripheral city. The only ticket in life for the young guy was the army. Lev Rokhlin entered the Tashkent Higher Combined Arms Command School, from which he graduated with honors in 1970. He began his career in a group of Soviet troops in Germany, then served in the Leningrad, Turkestan, and Transcaucasian military districts. While serving in Central Asia Rokhlin's son, Igor (the second child in the family), tragically dies from the bite of a poisonous insect. The first child in the Rokhlin family was daughter Elena.

In 1982, Major Rokhlin went to serve in Afghanistan. As commander of a separate motorized rifle regiment, he takes part in a bloody operation to destroy opposition groups in the province of Badakhshan, where he receives his first wound. As a result of poorly conducted artillery preparation and rocket and bomb strikes, the regiment is surrounded and suffers heavy losses. Rokhlin is blamed for the failure of the operation - he is removed from the post of regiment commander and transferred to the post of deputy. In early 1984, he was reinstated and given the next rank of lieutenant colonel. In October 1984, the helicopter in which Lieutenant Colonel Rokhlin was flying was shot down by the rebels. His wife, Tamara Rokhlina, received news of the death of her husband - in fact, his spine and both legs were broken. After the most difficult operations, the lieutenant colonel returned to the army and continued his service in the Turkestan military district. During the collapse of the USSR, he served in the Transcaucasus.

He graduated with honors from the Military Academy of the General Staff in 1993. Since June 1993 he was the commander of the Volgograd 8th Guards Army Corps and the head of the Volgograd garrison. When a new commander arrived in the 8th Corps, there was a collapse. There was no combat training, no firing, officers and soldiers lived their own lives, not in contact with each other in any way. However, the typical situation in the Russian military unit is the beginning of the 90s. Rokhlin, who had passed through Afghanistan, was not at all satisfied with this, and, right up to the start of the operation to restore constitutional order in the Chechen Republic, the corps lived an active combat life. Officers also left their posts, not ready for such a garrison life. The tyrant general who came not only disturbed the general peace in the Volgograd garrison, he also, to the best of his ability, was engaged in the social security of military personnel - housing for officers, repairing barracks - all things that are not visible at first glance, but without which the army cannot exist.

In 1994, Lieutenant General Rokhlin led the North group of federal troops in Chechnya, brought together from units of the 8th Army Corps, which entered the territory of rebellious Ichkeria through Dagestan. Dagestan was engulfed in rallies and strikes. Crowds of civilians gathered on the roads where the federal troops were supposed to pass - women in front, old aksakals, a little to the side - young men with a wolf look and hands in their pockets. Rokhlin had to avoid losses and enter Chechnya with the troops entrusted to him in time. Reconnaissance was sent forward revealingly, the scouts asked the locals how to get there, where were the turns, and they were willingly answered. After the reconnaissance returned to the location, the Rokhlin group moved right across the field, bypassing the previously explored routes - and not in vain, from the local police later there were reports of thousands of protesters with posters in the spirit of “Yeltsin-vodka. Chechnya-svoboda”, “Chechnya is a subject of Allah” along the alleged route of the Russian troops. But these rallies did not wait for their audience. Already in Chechnya, in a conversation with the commandant of the Nadterechny district of the Chechen Republic, who promised to put women and children under tanks, Rokhlin remembered Afghanistan - from his words: “You know, I was in Afghanistan (a Chechen waves his hand) - there, I say, such uneducated Afghans, dirty (the Chechen agrees), only one difference from the civilized Chechens - they did not let women and children in front of them.

On December 31, the troops standing on the outskirts of the Chechen capital unexpectedly received an order to advance to the center of Grozny. Rokhlin was supposed to withdraw his troops to the area of ​​​​Dudaev's palace, called Resk by the Chechens. In a documentary filmed by the TVC television company in March 1998, Rokhlin describes in detail the atmosphere in which the assault on Grozny took place, how the 131st brigade was pulled out of the reserve and thrown into Grozny without setting a task, how the 81st regiment entered the the city with all the equipment, with all the rears, thereby clogged the street, which ruined him, how Rokhlin was urged on the radio by the commander of the combined group of troops Kvashnin, how Minister of Defense Grachev was indignant at his actions - “What is your vaunted Afghan? That he is lagging behind, other units have already completed the task and have reached the assigned areas. On January 1, Grachev had a birthday, and he wanted to receive the city of Grozny as a gift - just as the Red Army stormed cities on the eve of communist holidays. And the fighters of the 8th Corps lagged behind for this reason - Rokhlin did not throw his troops in a bunch into the city, as others did - the rear remained in the suburbs, the Rokhlin column, moving deeper into the city, gradually decreased - tanks and infantry fighting vehicles every 50 meters, by at crossroads, they stood at checkpoints - thereby the equipment was evenly distributed in the area of ​​​​responsibility of the parts of the Volgograd corps, the road remained free, and the rear and flanks were also covered. The next morning, this saved the lives of the Rokhlins and the soldiers of the 81st Samara motorized rifle regiment who survived the night attack of militants. And at 3 o'clock in the afternoon on December 31, 1994, Russian commanders joyfully reported "upstairs" that Grozny had been taken and it was time to load into the wagons and prepare holes for orders. And only Lev Rokhlin was scolded by radio by the commander of the troops in Chechnya, Kvashnin. As soon as dusk fell, our soldiers heard in their walkie-talkies - "Welcome to Hell!". From the megaphones in the windows of the surrounding houses, “Allah Akbar!” was heard. There was a new year, 1995.

On January 1 of the new year, only the consolidated regiment of the Volgograd Corps offered organized resistance in the city. The remnants of the 81st motorized rifle regiment made their way to them, the 131st Maikop brigade was defeated in the area of ​​​​the station and randomly tried to escape from the city. The advanced positions of the Rokhlinites were located in the area of ​​​​a 16-story high-rise building on the outskirts of Dudayev's palace, the most fierce battles broke out there - the possession of this building of the oil institute allowed artillery observers to adjust artillery fire throughout the city. Rokhlin's headquarters was located in the city hospital, where Nevzorov came (in his film "Purgatory", filmed with Berezovsky's money, all events will unfold on the territory of this very city hospital).

Further, the Rokhlins stormed the building of the Council of Ministers, where they suffered heavy losses from the actions of their own aviation, and the Kavkaz hotel, thereby closing how much encirclement around the Palace and connecting with the West group of federal troops. The reconnaissance battalion of the combined regiment acted at the forefront. By the time of the assault on the Kavkaz Hotel, he numbered 40 people - a reinforced platoon, tired, exhausted by battles, wounded, scouts. Rokhlin got in touch with Maskhadov and offered to lay down their arms - according to Lev Yakovlevich, he answered in hysterics, shouting that the Chechens would not surrender, they had a lot of ammunition, although radio intercepts of conversations between Chechen detachments spoke of something else. The Chechens were surrounded, but the positions of the Russian troops were too close to them - in the event of the use of aviation, the tragedy that occurred during the battles for the building of the Council of Ministers would have been repeated. To shoot the Chechens with tanks - the Chechens were surrounded, it was possible to hook their own. The same long-suffering reconnaissance battalion set out to storm Reskom. But the Dudayevites were able to infiltrate (did some officer receive an award then?) through the battle formations, and only suicide snipers remained in Dudayev’s palace, who were destroyed by Shilki. Reskom fell without a fight on the night of January 18-19. According to legend, the Soviet flag was first hoisted over the palace - by analogy with the Reichstag, and only then it was changed to the Russian tricolor. After all, they also demanded to seize the Reichstag on the eve of the holiday. Then there were battles for Minutka Square, a tram park ... In January 1995, Rokhlin was presented with the title of Hero of Russia. But he refused to accept the award for participation in the civil war - that's how Rokhlin saw Chechen war: “In a civil war, commanders cannot gain glory. The war in Chechnya is not the glory of Russia, but its misfortune.”

In Russia, few people thought about that war, which was not famous, as Alexander Tvardovsky once called the Soviet-Finnish war, which turned into the same tragedy for the Soviet army, except for the families of soldiers and officers who served there. And on the NTV channel or in the Vzglyad program, they interviewed Chechen partisans, telling how they are fighting for our and your freedom against the federal killers sent by Yeltsin to again send the Chechen people into deportation. Sergei Adamovich Kovalev, head of the Human Rights Committee, who was sitting in the basement of Dudayev's palace during the assault and urging our soldiers to surrender, where martyrdom awaited them, remained a State Duma deputy. During the storming of the building of the Council of Ministers, the Dudayevites tied Russian prisoners alive with wire to the windows and fired, hiding behind them, at the attackers. Many had their arms, legs, genitals, heads cut off, their wrists smashed with hammers - traditional Vainakh cruelty. Those who were left unharmed were sold as slaves. Ichkeria was rightfully considered the center of the slave trade in the post-Soviet space. Rokhlin considered the Chechen war a gangster showdown that began because Dudayev stopped sharing oil with Russian oligarchs. The lives of soldiers and civilians were only a bargaining chip.

A curious episode occurred in Volgograd in preparation for the celebration of the 50th anniversary of the Victory in the Great Patriotic War. The everyday bustle of the city flowed with gray everyday life, and no one knew how many widows and mothers mourned their men. No one knew that the field commanders would give everything in the world for the head of General Rokhlin. In addition, the city was preparing for the celebration of Victory Day, and in comparison with this great holiday, the temporary cessation of the massacre in Chechnya seemed simply an insignificant event. Oddly enough, but the majority reasoned that Chechnya is still far away, and the glorious Mamaev Kurgan here, native and famous throughout the world, is visible from every city window. General Rokhlin and his guards did not stand aside from the preparations for the holiday. On May 9, 1995, on the day of the 50th anniversary of the Great Victory, almost every tall tree a sniper sat on the slopes of Mamaev Kurgan. Lev Rokhlin presented to the public (the guests were from all over the world) the premiere of a live panorama Battle of Stalingrad. The soldiers of the 68th reconnaissance battalion, who had just fought not for fun, did not have to do much work in this impromptu performance under the sky. It made a very strong impression on the audience with its unexpectedness and brightness, and hardly anyone will forget the roar of front-line aviation attack aircraft above their heads and exploding training mines literally under their feet. This action went down in the history of the city under the name "Rokhlin show".

After the completion of the assault on Grozny, Rokhlin leaves the army and goes into politics. In December 1995, he was elected to the State Duma of the Russian Federation of the second convocation on the federal list of the Our Home is Russia electoral movement. At this time, Lev Yakovlevich was embroiled in a corruption scandal. After the capture of Severny airport in Grozny in December 1994, a large number of disabled Dudayev aircraft remained there. Young conscripts were interested in climbing abandoned equipment, pulling all sorts of levers - one soldier sat in the pilot's seat, turned on the catapult, as a result, almost all of the soldier's bones were broken. There were many such incidents. Rokhlin noted that in addition to the fact that the abandoned Dudayev aviation was a source of losses for Russian army she was still scrap metal. Lev Yakovlevich organized the sale of aircraft skeletons, and with the proceeds, housing for officers was built in Volgograd. In the Ministry of Defense, a trial has begun on this matter. The Minister of Defense at that time was Pavel Grachev, nicknamed "Mercedes", given by the murdered journalist of "Moskovsky Komsomolets" Dmitry Kholodov. The killers of the journalist were never found. And with Rokhlin, after the trial at the Prosecutor General's Office, all charges were dropped. The situation was reminiscent of the plot about Yuri Detochkin from the movie "Beware of the car." In the end, we can say that as a politician, this scandal was in Rokhlin's hands and quite deservedly - the officers waited in line for an apartment for years, and the war invalids were paid a pension of about 300 rubles. In 1996, Rokhlin, as chairman of the State Duma Defense Commission, delivered a report on the destruction of a column of the 245th motorized rifle regiment of Russian troops near the village of Yarysh-Mardy. During the battle, 73 Russian soldiers and officers were killed - big losses even for the active phase of hostilities in Chechnya in December 1994 - March 1995, and for the 1996 guerrilla war it was just a disaster. In the report, in addition to highlighting the problems of the army, the negligent attitude of the command of the 245th regiment to serving in the combat zone, the Minister of Defense and the entire course pursued by the president and the government, whose policy brought the army to such a state, were sharply criticized.

From the "party of power", which was then the NDR, Rokhlin, disappointed, left in 1997. According to him, he believed that something could be changed from the inside. As a result, Lev Yakovlevich organizes the “Movement in Support of the Army” together with the former and. about. Minister of Defense of the Russian Federation Igor Rodionov (commander of the Soviet troops during the suppression of riots in Baku in January 1990), former commander of the Airborne Forces, Minister of Defense in the version of the Supreme Council from September 22 to October 4, 1993 Vladislav Achalov, former head of the KGB, member of the State Emergency Committee Vladimir Kryuchkov, odious retired colonel-general Albert Makashov, Viktor Ilyukhin, prosecutor, chairman of the State Duma security commission, who publicized the case of the “copier box”, put forward a proposal to impeach Yeltsin in 1999 (and survived the assassination attempt at the same time), and passed accusing the current President of "treason" in 2011, after which a month later Ilyukhin died of heart failure. DPA actively participates in the public life of the country - Rokhlin speaks at rallies in various cities of Russia, meets with miners who were on strike and beat their helmets on the asphalt near the parliament building. Rokhlin is invited to television, he is asked by the DPA movement about the war in Chechnya.

How did Rokhlin and his like-minded people see the future of Russia after Yeltsin's resignation? Rokhlin's rhetoric was sovereign-patriotic, but at the same time he was against the return of communist ideology. In the economy - the Chinese model. “He had a very clear program to support the manufacturing business, in the development of which I and my colleagues from the Institute for Systems Analysis of the Russian Academy of Sciences took part - I actively consulted with them,” says Rokhlin's former adviser Petr Khomyakov. - "So the production businessmen supported the general and secretly assisted him in every possible way." After the coup, it was supposed to put the Committee for the Salvation of Russia at the head of the state, from participation in which Lev Yakovlevich categorically refused. Rokhlin was also disgusted by nationalism - here the cooperation of the odious anti-Semite Makashov and the Jew after Rokhlin's father looked very surprising. In his speeches, Lev Yakovlevich recognized Russia as an Orthodox country, and Russians as the titular state-forming nation. He criticized the chairman of the Jewish community of the Russian Federation, the owner of NTV Gusinsky.

On May 19, 1998, at a meeting of the Communist Party faction, it was decided to start the impeachment procedure, which was confirmed by a decision of the Presidium of the NPSR. The procedure for impeaching Yeltsin was initiated on the basis of five accusations: the collapse of the USSR; dispersal of the Congress of People's Deputies and the Supreme Council in 1993; unleashing a war in Chechnya; the collapse of the army and the genocide of the Russian people. The next day, deputies from the Communist Party collected 177 signatures for the start of the procedure. On June 19, 1998, a special commission of the State Duma was created. On June 29, 1998, the special commission of the State Duma held its first meeting. In February, the commission completed the preparation of an opinion on all five points of indictment by the deputies of the head of state. The documents were submitted to the Council of the State Duma. Against this background, Rokhlin and parts of the 8th Army Corps were actively preparing for the "camp on Moscow." According to Viktor Ilyukhin, the Rokhlinites were not going to storm Moscow - they "wanted to come to Red Square and stand in front of the Kremlin." "There will be no civil war - tickets have already been prepared," Lev Yakovlevich said in an interview about Yeltsin's entourage. “We will sweep away these Rokhlins!” - Yeltsin said a little later in front of the cameras.

According to the former deputy commander of the 8th Army Corps, Nikolai Batalov, Yeltsin was planned to be arrested on July 20. Nikolai Batalov is the same colonel from Nevzorov's report "Hell", who from Grozny has "a sniper with five and a half eyesight." Rokhlina was ready to support the entire army - to the point that the Kremlin regiment received bolts for its carbines (the regiment performs at parades without bolts, with non-combat weapons). In the Ryazan Higher Command School of the Airborne Forces, an internship was canceled for cadets - they were returned from the training grounds to Ryazan. There were rumors about cooperation with Rokhlin, Moscow Mayor Luzhkov. External support had to come from the West. Of course, not from NATO, but from Alexander Lukashenko. The Strategic Missile Forces were also in solidarity with Rokhlin. In turn, the Ministry of Internal Affairs, and hence the internal troops, took the side of Yeltsin. The first coup attempt took place in the 20th of June - the command post of the corps was withdrawn into the field, the troops were ready to leave, but the roads to Moscow were blocked by a brigade of internal troops - Rokhlin was tapped by the FSB, he was being monitored. Conspiracy was at a very low level. The second attempt was scheduled for July 20, 1998. To this day, Lev Yakovlevich Rokhlin did not live.

On July 3, 1998, Rokhlin was killed at his own dacha in the village of Klokovo, Moscow Region. The prosecutor's office claimed that his wife Tamara shot at the sleeping general with a premium pistol. The reason is a family quarrel. The general's supporters are sure that this is the Kremlin's revenge and an attempt to prevent army demonstrations. Vladislav Achalov directly calls the murder "political", says that after the death of Rokhlin, "charred corpses" were found in the forest - this is how the "liquidators or those people who participated in this operation" were liquidated. Nikolai Batalov does not exclude the possibility that Rokhlin was really killed by his wife - she could have been injected with something, she was in the hospital for three months after the murder, as if she had been zombified. Let me remind you once again of the words spoken by Yeltsin to the whole country on television - "We will sweep away these Rokhlins!"

Tamara Rokhlina was tried for almost 7 years. In 2005, the European Court of Human Rights upheld the complaint of the general's widow about the lengthy consideration of the case in court, noting that the length litigation more than six years is a violation of the European Convention on Human Rights in terms of “the right to a fair trial within a reasonable time”. After that, the Naro-Fominsk Court sentenced Rokhlina to four years in prison, but the detention in the pre-trial detention center was counted during this period. Rokhlina was released and did not challenge the verdict. Alexander Litvinenko, in his book The Lubyanka Criminal Group, recalls his arrival in Lefortovo in the spring of 1999: “They searched me, examined me, looked in the right place, felt me. Then they took me to a cell on the second floor. A woman was sitting in the next cell, she constantly screamed at night. I thought maybe she was being tortured there? Later I learned that it was Rokhlin's wife.

After the murder of Rokhlin, the 8th Army Corps was disbanded, the banner of the corps that participated in the liberation of Stalingrad was removed from the Museum of the Battle of Stalingrad. Even the indirect participation of an officer in the preparations for the rebellion became a stigma on his career - this was not taken even to the North Caucasus. “Putschist, you won’t serve me, go to Transbaikalia,” said former boss Communications of the 8th Corps to Viktor Nikiforov, Commander of the North Caucasian Military District Viktor Kazantsev. The movement in support of the army was not dissolved after the death of Rokhlin, but without its creator and leader, it quickly lost its former fame. In May 1999, the State Duma considered the issue of early termination of the powers of the President of the Russian Federation. As a result of the vote on May 15, not a single point received a sufficient number of votes to start the procedure for removing the president from power. Yeltsin remained president for another year.

Text: Pavel Korolevtsev

On June 6, Leo Rokhlin was supposed to turn 65 years old. But, unfortunately, he did not live up to this time. Nevertheless, his memory lives on, and his experience of fighting the regime has begun to gain popularity in our days.

The future General Lev Rokhlin was born into the family of a political exile, the hero of the Great Patriotic War, Yakov Rokhlin, and was the third child in the family. In 1948, when little Leo was not even a year old, his father was arrested and exiled to the Gulag, where he disappeared. Mother, Ksenia Ivanovna, had to raise three children alone.

10 years later, the family moved to live in Tashkent, where, after graduating from school, Lev went to work at an aircraft factory, and then he was drafted into the ranks of the Soviet army. In 1970, he became a graduate of the Tashkent Higher Combined Arms Command School, graduating with honors, however, like all other educational institutions. After that, he did military service in Germany, in a group of Soviet troops. After graduating from the Frunze Academy, he served in the Arctic, as well as in the Turkestan, Leningrad and Transcaucasian military districts.

During 1982-1984 he fought in Afghanistan, where he was wounded twice, and then evacuated to Tashkent. He held the position of commander of a motorized rifle regiment, but in 1983 he was removed from it due to an unsuccessful operation and was appointed deputy commander. But less than a year later, Rokhlin was reinstated. After that, he also commanded a regiment and a division. In 1993 he graduated with honors from the Academy of the General Staff, and in the same year he was appointed commander of the Volgograd 8th Guards Corps and part-time head of the Volgograd garrison.

In 1994-1995 he was the commander of the 8th Guards Corps in Chechnya. It was under his leadership that a significant number of operations to capture Grozny, including the presidential palace, were carried out. Lev Rokhlin - the hero of the first Chechen war. He refused to accept the title of Hero of Russia, arguing that he had no moral right to receive awards for the murders of citizens of his own state. He managed to survive the war in Chechnya, even though his life was in mortal danger countless times. Here is one such example. The consolidated regiment of his corps was forced to defend against the attacks of ten times superior enemy forces. In total, in this battle, the regiment repulsed 11 attacks in a row.

Rokhlin was not attracted by either career achievements or political activity. He received all his awards and medals not at all for the ability to guess the desires of his superiors or being in the rear. No, he selflessly served his state, took a direct part in hostilities.

The war in Chechnya proved that the Russian army needs protection first of all. But the military general, who was far from the government, did not immediately understand that it was necessary to protect her first of all from the authorities. But soon, however, this realization came.

In 1995, the Our Home - Russia party decided to take advantage of his authority, and at the same time his active political activity began. First, he took third place in the lists of the Our Home is Russia party, and in December of the same year he was elected to the State Duma from this party. In January 1996, he became a member of the NDR faction, and was also elected to the post of chairman of the State Duma Defense Committee. It is noteworthy that even during this period of time, being a member of the party and a deputy of the Duma, Rokhlin never campaigned for the party itself. All his speeches were reduced to the problems of the army and the state as a whole.

After a short period of time, the general realized that it was the government that was destroying the army, and that it was doing it on purpose. Therefore, in 1997, he first left the Our Home is Russia movement, and then from the NDR faction.

In the same year, Rokhlin became the organizer of the Movement in Support of the Army, Military Industry and Science, the organizing committee of which included Vladimir Kryuchkov (former head of the KGB), Vladislav Achalov (former commander of the Airborne Forces), and Igor Rodionov (former defense minister). This organization was called upon to revive and protect the armed forces of Russia. But it was difficult to do this under the then existing conditions. The main task of the Movement was to strictly observe the Constitution and ensure citizens of all the rights and freedoms prescribed in it, as well as to carry out democratic reforms.

Despite the fact that the DPA acted solely as an organization of the army and the military-industrial complex, in fact, this movement turned into a national front, which entered into opposition to the Yeltsin regime. And Rokhlin himself turned from a simple military general into one of the most famous politicians in Russia.

This movement caused a great resonance among the government elite. He was called communist, and Rokhlin himself was called a provocateur who pushes the army to a military coup.

Rokhlin is rightfully recognized as the most active leader of the opposition forces in the late 1990s. There was information that the general was preparing a military coup against the Yeltsin regime. Vladislav Achalov also spoke about this a few weeks before the “sudden” death of the general.

Everyone who supported Rokhlin's candidacy for the post of chairman of the defense committee very soon regretted it. The general from the parliamentary rostrum was not afraid to say that the high military command was mired in corruption, while citing specific facts and naming names. He also publicly accused Boris Yeltsin of being responsible for the collapse of the Russian army and treason. Therefore, for such statements, at the end of May 1998, Rokhlin was removed from the post of chairman for defense.

However, the removal from office could in no way affect the decisiveness of the general. It should be noted that at that time many famous scientists, Cossacks, leaders of miners' strikes were part of his movement. In addition, he was supported by many ministers of the church and the civilian population. It is noteworthy that at the same time, under the influence of reflections on the historical fate of Russia, General Rokhlin decided to be baptized.

Organizations that became disillusioned with the policy of the Communist Party began to go over to the side of the DPA. At the same time, the movement was not very popular among the younger generation, as the armed forces were very much discredited by wars and corruption among the generals. Soon his organization became the basis of the non-communist opposition. The force factor in it was the military and security officers, who were highly organized and had strong ties in law enforcement agencies. And if at that time there was a force in the country that could organize and carry out an armed uprising, then it was only Rokhlin's party. The general himself came to the conclusion that it would not be possible to overthrow the existing regime by parliamentary methods.

His political activity in 1997-1998 was so active that it caused panic not only in the Kremlin, but also among other opposition forces. But at the same time, not everyone who knew the general closely believed that he was preparing a military coup. So, for example, N. Bezborodov argued that the military would hardly have been able to decide on an open rebellion against the authorities, because the old generation of officers was brought up in complete obedience to the authorities. And rather, its representatives may commit suicide because of the inability to feed their families, but never take up arms against an objectionable regime. According to the same Bezborodov, Rokhlin was an extremely naive person who believed that politics was quite honest and correct.

It was the political career of the rebellious general that caused his death: in early July 1998, Rokhlin was killed at his own dacha in the Moscow region. In the course of the investigation, the prosecutor's office was more and more inclined to the version that the general was killed from his own premium weapon by his wife Tamara. The reason for the murder was a family quarrel. But how could one believe that a woman who had raised children without fail all her life and followed her husband through military garrisons was capable of doing such a thing? After her husband was killed, the woman spent four years under investigation in a detention center, but her guilt was never proven. Later, when the Rokhlin case lost its relevance, Tamara Pavlovna was released, and the investigation itself was stopped.

In addition to the official version of the involvement of Rokhlin's wife in the murder, there was also a certain number of unofficial ones: political, involvement of special services. If everything is more or less clear with the version about the political background of the tragedy, then it is necessary to dwell on the involvement of the special services in more detail. There is information that in the past there were special departments in the KGB and the GRU, whose tasks included the direct destruction of people who were unfit or dangerous for the authorities.

As for the Rokhlin case, there is strong evidence that there were strangers in the house. Firstly, the proof of the presence of outsiders is the front door, which was closed before the murder, and for some reason turned out to be open after. Plus, not far from the general's dacha in the forest belt, three charred bodies were found. According to local residents, there was nothing of the kind there the day before. So they appeared in this place after the murder...

In addition, it is also known that there were two shots, and no one heard anything. The first shot was supposedly fired from a height of two meters from the floor on the first floor. Of course, it can be assumed that Tamara Rokhlina tried to get a gun from the cabinet, while standing on a chair, and inadvertently shoot. But all the acquaintances say that this could not happen, because the woman knew how to handle weapons well. And even more ridiculous sounds the assumption that after the first shot she could go up to the second floor and shoot her husband.

Causes certain suspicions and the fact that no fingerprints were found on the pistol, even Tamara Pavlovna. But at least the fingerprints of the general himself should have remained on it ....

Thus, it still remains unclear who is the killer of the general after all? Despite such an array of versions, the investigation could not find evidence and establish the truth. But at present, this is hardly possible - after all, not only material evidence has been lost, but the memory of witnesses cannot store the details of the tragedy for such a long time.

It should also be noted that after Rokhlin, the opposition was no longer able to find an equivalent informal leader. And this is not surprising, since no one else had such popularity among the military and civilian population. And there are no more such combat generals who would enjoy real authority among the civilian population in Russia.

Rokhlin's death is another a prime example of how easily and with impunity one can get rid of objectionable or dangerous opposition leaders. Another similar example is the death of Viktor Ilyukhin, when it happened “accidentally” precisely at the time when he was in possession of compromising information regarding representatives of the closest circle of Gorbachev and Yeltsin. On their orders, information was fabricated that it was the Soviet troops who were guilty of mass executions Polish prisoners of war near Katyn. After Ilyukhin died, all the materials he collected also disappeared. It is noteworthy that after the death of General Rokhlin, information regarding the “uranium deal” with America, which he was going to present to the State Duma, also disappeared from his house.

Somehow, by itself, a certain pattern is noticed in these two tragic cases ...

The fate of General Rokhlin should become an example for those false patriots who are developing populist ideas about the appearance of a large number of enemies of Russia, without taking any concrete steps. Combat General Lev Rokhlin gave his life for the country and its armed forces. We should not forget what he managed to do for Russia, but try to multiply it and bring to life everything that the rebellious general fought for and gave his life for.

Who killed General Lev Rokhlin and why?

23.09.2011 www.forum-orion.com5558 170 59

Around the mysterious death of General Lev Rokhlin there is a lot of gossip, rumors, versions. This is understandable: the military general, who was politically competing with the Kremlin, was killed under very strange circumstances. After a short time, an unknown Putin becomes the director of the FSB, and then occupies the Kremlin. Are these events connected and who is behind the assassination of General Lev Rokhlin, who intended to remove Yeltsin from power? This will be discussed in the article.

We also bring to your attention "CONFESSION OF GENERAL ROKHLIN"

The recording was made shortly before the murder.

On July 3, 1998, at 4 am, at his own dacha in the village of Klokovo near Naro-Fominsk, the chairman of the All-Russian Movement “In Support of the Army, Defense Industry and Military Science” (DPA), State Duma deputy General Lev Yakovlevich Rokhlin, was shot dead.

Immediately, the media hurried to voice everyday versions: “the killer is Tamara Rokhlin’s wife” (“NG”, 4/07/1998), “he was killed by a 14-year-old son” (!) And “fingerprints on the PSM pistol coincided with those of his wife ” (“Izvestia”, 07/04/1998, - in fact, the traces were washed away!), “gold scam” (“Kommersant-daily”, 07/4/1998), “half-Jew got along with the near-Black Hundreds public” (“ Today”, 4/07/1998), etc.

Lev Yakovlevich loved common man and strove for him to become the master of his life, his country, and the future of his children. That is why he enjoyed fantastic popularity in the "civilian" and in the troops, where he was affectionately called Batya. He organized the Movement in Support of the Army, Defense Industry and Military Science (DPA), openly calling on Yeltsin to voluntarily step down from the presidency. In response, the whole country heard: "We will sweep away these Rokhlins! ..".

His wife Tamara Pavlovna was immediately accused of killing the rebellious general. For a long year and a half she was hidden in a pre-trial detention center. What for? If there is evidence, take the case to court. But the sick woman was rotting in overcrowded stuffy cells, while at home, without caress and care, the sick son Igor, a life-long disabled person of group I, suffered. Do you want to him? Write a "confession" and we'll spare you. But she stood her ground: "I didn't kill." 18 months of prison pressure did not break her spirit.

Who harbored the killers?

Besides, he pulled the trigger of a pistol at the general's temple on that fateful morning? Fearing the truth and revelations, the authorities made the "everyday process" closed from the public and the press.

In her last speech at the trial on November 15, 2000, this tormented woman made a sensational statement about her support for her husband's desire to "peacefully throw off the Kremlin temporary workers to get off the neck of the bewildered people."

Leva believed, - she said, - that such actions are consistent with the UN Charter, which even approves the uprising of the people against the tyrannical state. Whether my husband was right or not, considering Yeltsin and his government tyrannical, anti-people, let the Russian people judge. I personally supported him. In the face of my inevitable death, I now declare once again - I believe that my husband, General Lev Rokhlin, was right.

My husband was killed, but not by the services and people of Yeltsin, but by his own guards. Now it's obvious to me. A huge amount of money collected from all over Russia by Lyova's like-minded people to finance the action to liberate the country disappeared from the dacha immediately after the murder of her husband. And his bodyguard Alexander Pleskachev is soon announced in a new capacity as a “new Russian” with a Moscow residence permit, the position of head of economic security, and even studies at a higher educational institution and does not hide from the court that the Prosecutor General’s Office helped him in everything. The case helped the enemies of my husband: an ordinary criminal Pleskachev and his accomplices did a vile deed "for them" ... ".

There are plenty of grounds for such assertions. Three "bodyguards" (the general's bodyguard, the soldier - the dacha watchman and the driver) could not answer the lawyers' elementary questions. For example, "What were you doing on the night of the murder, and how could it happen that you did not hear two shots that thundered in the dacha rooms?".

All three twisted, confused and lied in such a way that their involvement in the murder of the DPA leader became more and more obvious. The defendant's arguments that her sleeping husband was killed by three unknown men in masks, and then they beat her and threatened to kill her if she did not "take the blame", remained unrefuted.

I followed this process from beginning to end, was at court hearings and once wrote that the “Family”, which already did not expect repentance from the sovereign defendant, was taken aback and regarded her speech as a rebellion. For me, there is no doubt that it was on her order that the judge of the Naro-Fominsk City Court Zhilina sentenced Tamara Pavlovna to 8 years in prison. At the same time, she did not provide any evidence of her involvement in the murder of her husband.

Already in the “zone”, this unbroken woman, with the help of lawyer A. Kucherena, filed a complaint with the Strasbourg Court of Human Rights, which caused a stream of caustic comments in the media. However, having considered the case of Rokhlina v. Russia, he recognized the correctness of her complaint and decided to recover 8,000 euros from the Russian authorities in favor of the plaintiff as compensation for non-pecuniary damage for illegal criminal prosecution.

After all the protests, on June 7, 2001, the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation issued a verdict: the sentence against the convicted T.P. Rokhlina was canceled as illegal, unreasonable and unfair, and she was released on bail. Return all materials of the case to the Naro-Fominsk court for re-examination by a different composition. This decision could be interpreted unequivocally: the general's widow is innocent, it is necessary to look for his real killers.

On the same night that General Rokhlin was killed, there was an attempt on his associate, the head of the Profit law firm, Yuri Markin, who was engaged in the theft of oil by a number of large companies. Soon, not far from Klokovo, in the forest near the village of Fominskoye, 3 heavily burned corpses of men of strong build, 25-30 years old, with bullet wounds were found (Nezavisimaya Gazeta, 7/07/1998). The Russian press repeatedly cited the statement of the Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenko on 11/18/2000 that he "warned General Rokhlin about the impending assassination attempt two days in advance." The day before the murder, FSB surveillance of Rokhlin's house was suddenly removed (Novye Izvestia, 8/07/1998). B. Neuchev, deputy head of the TsOS FSB, then stated: “We have every reason to assert that the death of General Rokhlin is not connected with his political activity"("Arguments and Facts", 07/13/1998). On November 27, 1999, Mikhail Poltoranin, in an interview with Komsomolskaya Pravda, made a sensational confession: “I know who killed Rokhlin. This is not the wife did ... ". In her last speech at the trial on November 15, 2000, Tamara Rokhlina openly spoke out in support of her husband's plans to "peacefully throw off the Kremlin temporary workers and get off the neck of the bewildered people."

According to Rokhlina, “a huge amount of money collected from all over Russia by her husband’s like-minded people to finance the action to liberate the country disappeared from the dacha immediately after the murder.” In 2001, when on behalf of the President of the Russian Federation V.V. Putin was offered a pardon in the Mozhaisk colony, the general's widow rejected this deal with her conscience, considering it a betrayal of the cause for which her husband fought and gave his life. In the early 2000s for the first time, versions were heard in the media about the involvement of the newly elected President Vladimir Putin in the elimination of Lev Rokhlin. And in his 2010 book, Poltoranin named all the participants for the first time, which he spoke about at a press conference: “I could not say directly that Putin organized the murder of Rokhlin, they would immediately sue and demand evidence. However, the totality of reliably established events and facts around this murder show that this is by no means my “guess” or a free “guess”. The decision to kill, I know for sure, was made at the dacha in their narrow circle by four people - Yeltsin, Voloshin, Yumashev and Dyachenko. At first they wanted to entrust Savostyanov, the head of the Moscow FSB, but then they settled on a Chekist "with cold fish eyes", capable of anything ... And it is hardly accidental that, in fact, immediately after the murder of Rokhlin, the head of the then FSB, Kovalev, was roused from bed at night and hurriedly , in just 20 minutes, they were forced, in accordance with the Decree of the President, to transfer their powers to the newly appointed V. Putin. And it concerned the most powerful intelligence agency in the world! For what merit? And is it all by chance? General Rokhlin was shot dead on July 3, 1998. And on July 25, an unknown Putin was appointed director of the FSB by President Yeltsin ...

According to Poltoranin, the real power in the country is in the hands of the "godfather" headed by the ruling tandem Medvedev-Putin. In his book, Poltoranin touched upon the newly-minted Russian oligarchs who made fabulous fortunes on the robbery of public property, in particular, the Yeltsin banker Abramovich owns numerous enterprises, mines and mines, including the most profitable of them in Mezhdurechensk, and even the entire port of Nakhodka. At the same time, all companies of this oligarch pay taxes on their income at their place of registration in Luxembourg. Putin, well aware of this, pretends that everything is in order. It is not surprising that other Russian oligarchs, who have long ago prepared for themselves “landing sites” in the West, are doing exactly the same, as well as top government officials. According to Poltoranin, Putin and Medvedev have become even more servants of the oligarchy than Yeltsin: “Both the president and the prime minister keep their money in Western banks ... When they come to the G8 or G20, they are directly and unceremoniously threatened the loss of their money if they do not do what is beneficial to the West.

Lieutenant General and State Duma Deputy Lev Rokhlin, who at one time refused the title of Hero of Russia for " civil war in Chechnya”, developed such a violent opposition activity in 1997-1998 that it frightened both the Kremlin and other oppositionists. “We will sweep away these Rokhlins!” - Boris Yeltsin threw in his hearts, and the deputies from the Communist Party contributed to the removal of the rebel from the post of head of the parliamentary defense committee.

The military general who stormed Grozny in the first Chechen campaign was included in the State Duma on the lists of the completely semi-official movement “Our Home is Russia”. But he quickly diverged from the weak party in power in his views (Rokhlin called the head of the NDR Chernomyrdin in the circle of his associates nothing more than a “spider”), left the faction and created the Movement in Support of the Army, Defense Industry and Military Science (DPA).

The organizing committee of the movement included the former Minister of Defense Igor Rodionov, the former commander of the Airborne Forces Vladislav Achalov, the former head of the KGB Vladimir Kryuchkov and a number of no less remarkable retirees with significant influence and connections among the security forces.

Then there were trips to the regions, a personal plane, helpfully provided by one of the leaders of the military-industrial complex, meetings with governors, halls packed to capacity in large cities and the most remote military garrisons.

- I was with Rokhlin on several business trips - in Kazan and other places, - General Achalov recalled, - I heard speeches, I saw how he was perceived. He was extremely harsh. It is unthinkable to hear this from a federal deputy today. And then everyone was afraid of him - not only the Kremlin, but also the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, the Liberal Democratic Party ...

“There were times when we gathered in a very narrow circle at his dacha, there were literally five or six of us,” Achalov continued. - Of course, initially there were no plans for an armed seizure of power, an armed uprising. But then the life situation prompted this. Because the leapfrog in the state was gaining momentum, it was growing catastrophically fast. Do you remember 1998? In the spring, the boy Kiriyenko was prime minister, and in August there was a default. Just imagine what would have happened if Rokhlin had not been killed in July. The option of attracting the army was not at all excluded.

Achalov did not tell about any additional details. Dropping, however, that Rokhlin "in any matters could rely on the Volgograd 8th Corps." Rokhlin commanded this corps since 1993. With him, he went through the "first Chechen". And even when he became a deputy, he paid him very special attention: he regularly met with officers, personally supervised the issues of rearmament and equipment of the corps, turning it into one of the most combat-ready formations.

“About two years after the death of Rokhlin, I talked with the officers of this Volgograd corps, they told me something, and, based on these stories, something could really work out there,” Stanislav Terekhov, head of the Union of Officers, also assures us. at one time was part of Rokhlin's entourage.

The Rokhlin movement, whose founding congress was held in Moscow in 1997, gained such momentum so quickly that in military units proposals were made to start a mass action to accept at officer meetings parts of the obligations of loyalty to General Rokhlin, calling on him to lead the movement of military personnel, workers of the military-industrial complex of the country and other citizens of Russia, in accordance with constitutional norms Russian Federation to save the state from destruction.

Rokhlin's supporters believed that if these legal actions of citizens take on a mass character and affect up to 70 percent of the personnel of the most important parts of law enforcement agencies, social movements and organizations, then the country will have objective prerequisites for a vote of no confidence in the policy of the country's leadership in accordance with the Constitution of the Russian Federation. With such organized support from the people, the Federal Assembly will be able, without being pressured by executive power, remove the president from power and hold new presidential elections. Lev Rokhlin could become the president of Russia, because the time itself had to put forward such a leader who would lead the policy of restoring the destroyed country. In this sense, Lev Yakovlevich Rokhlin - a man with a Jewish surname, Jewish blood and true patriot Russia - a country sent by God himself - his rule would not have those dubious biases that plague the rule of President Putin, who is ultimately forced to act in the interests of rebuilding a destroyed country. However, behind Lev Rokhlin, unlike most Russian politicians, there was no one but honest people. He was not a protege of any of the bandit clans.

Rokhlin was killed, and the "democratic" press, unable to come up with a single significant accusation against the general, tried to do everything to banish his name from people's memory. Let's remember Lev Rokhlin with a kind word.

More than 17 years have passed since the killer's bullet ended the life of a State Duma deputy, military general and just a wonderful person Lev Yakovlevich Rokhlin. He fought in Afghanistan, went through the First Chechen War, was seriously wounded and shell-shocked, but still survived. And he was shot in peacetime, in bed, at his own dacha in the suburbs. What was and what did Lev Rokhlin want? The life and death of the general, as well as versions of his death - read about all this below.

The beginning of the way

He was the youngest of three children. His father, Yakov Lvovich Rokhlin, went through the Great Patriotic War and, returning home to Aralsk (Kazakh SSR), could not get a job at the school where he worked before the war, he had to work in a fishing artel. On June 6, 1947, his second son was born, who, following Jewish traditions, was named after his grandfather. In 1948, when Lev was less than eight months old, his father was arrested, and nothing has been known about him since. Most likely, he died in the Gulag, like thousands of Soviet illegally convicted citizens. Mother, Ksenia Ivanovna, was forced to raise three children alone.

About ten years after the aforementioned events, the mother's relatives helped the Rokhlins move to Tashkent. Here Lev Yakovlevich graduated from high school and went to work at an aircraft factory, from where he was drafted into the army. After serving the prescribed term, he returned to his native land and, like his older brother, entered the military school in Tashkent in 1967. When submitting documents, Vyacheslav and Lev Rokhlin either hid intentionally, or did not know that their father was a Jew, since they themselves were listed as Russians according to the documents. If they told the truth, the brothers would no longer be able to count on a good promotion, since such an origin was not welcome in those days.

Military career

The future General Rokhlin graduated from the Tashkent School with honors in 1970. He was in the top ten cadets. By that time, Lev Yakovlevich had been married for two years. He was immediately assigned to serve in a group of Soviet troops stationed in the GDR, in the city of Wurzen. After 4 years, he entered the military academy. Frunze. She, like previous educational institutions, graduated with honors in 1977. After that, Rokhlin served in the Turkestan, Transcaucasian and Leningrad military districts, as well as in the Arctic.

Afghan period

In 1982, the future General Rokhlin went to fight in Afghanistan. There he commanded one of the motorized rifle regiments stationed east of Faizabad. It is worth noting that he took part in many military special operations carried out on Afghan territory, and was always distinguished by courage, determination and resourcefulness.

But in April of the following year, Rokhlin was removed from his post, demoted and sent to another regiment. His fault was that he had made what the high command felt was the wrong decision. The fact is that one of the battalions of his regiment was ambushed by the Mujahideen in some mountain gorge. Then the regimental commander realized that his soldiers were in a disadvantageous position for themselves and would not be able to continue the battle without suffering heavy losses. In order to avoid unjustified casualties, Rokhlin gave the order to blow up the blocked equipment and retreat. As a result, the battalion emerged from the trap with the least losses.

After that, Lev Yakovlevich served as deputy commander of the 191st motorized rifle regiment, located in the city of Ghazni. In the winter of 1984, his boss is put on trial for leaving his soldiers to certain death in a headquarters surrounded by rebels, while he shamefully escaped using a helicopter. Meanwhile, Rokhlin took command and led his subordinates out of the deadly ring. After this incident, he was reinstated. Under his leadership, the regiment fought very successfully. Take, for example, the operation carried out in the autumn of 1984. It consisted in capturing the base of the rebels, located in the Urgun region.

severe wound

This operation was the last one carried out by Lev Rokhlin in Afghanistan. During the flight over the area where they passed fighting, his helicopter was shot down. This time, the death of General Rokhlin was bypassed, and he survived. However, the wound turned out to be severe: his spine was damaged, his legs were broken, etc. First, he was treated in Kabul, and then in Tashkent hospitals.

The doctors' verdict was disappointing: to be expelled from the army for health reasons. But since Rokhlin did not represent his life all the ranks of the armed forces, he somehow got a different wording from the doctors and still remained in the service. By the way, his wife, Tamara Pavlovna, was a nurse. She got a job at the hospital where her husband was treated, and was next to him throughout the course of treatment.

Further service

After being discharged from the hospital, Rokhlin was appointed deputy division commander in the Turkestan garrison of Kizil-Arvat. By that time he had a daughter and a son of eight months, who soon fell ill with encephalitis, which immediately affected his overall development. After that, Tamara Pavlovna had to leave her job and run around hospitals with a disabled child.

Two years later, Lev Rokhlin is transferred to serve in Azerbaijan, where he becomes a participant in the suppression of rebellious Baku nationalists who provoked the massacre of Armenian families in Sumgayit. When the Soviet Union collapsed, he decided to return to Russia. In 1993, Rokhlin entered the Academy of the General Staff and already habitually graduated from it with "excellent". After he became a major general, he was offered the position of commander of the 8th Volgograd Corps.

First Chechen War

From December 1994 to February 1995, Lev Yakovlevich and his fighters took part in hostilities in Chechnya. About how General Rokhlin, whose biography was full of military exploits before, led his subordinates, the facts speak. The actions of his 8th Guards Corps were among the most productive and also suffered the least losses. This spoke of only one thing: their commander is a skilled and talented military leader.

Before the war, Rokhlin was considered by some to be a petty tyrant, since he paid great attention specifically combat training. As time has shown, he was right, and Suvorov's well-known saying "hard in learning - easy in battle" fully justified itself. In Grozny, General Rokhlin fought on a par with his soldiers. Together with them, he met the New Year 1995. Of the 2200 Volgograds who fought with him in Chechnya, 1928 soldiers were presented to them for awards, but only about half of them received. Rokhlin himself considered it right to refuse the title of Hero of Russia. He explained his act by the fact that he could not accept rewards for the shed blood of his fellow citizens.

Political activity

I must say that General Lev Rokhlin fought not for the sake of some career achievements, and he received his awards, not sitting in the rear and pleasing his superiors, but carrying out selfless service for the good of his country. While fighting in Chechnya, he realized that the Russian army itself was in dire need of protection, and above all - from insatiable officials and mediocre authorities.

In 1995, on the eve of the elections to the State Duma, one of the parties called "Our Home is Russia" took advantage of his unlimited authority. It was then that his career as a politician began. He went to this supreme body of power, entered the NDR faction and was soon elected chairman of the Duma Defense Committee. It took him quite a bit of time to understand the main thing - the government headed by President Yeltsin is deliberately destroying the army. Therefore, two years later, he leaves his party, and then the NDR faction.

New movement

In 1997, General Rokhlin became the initiator and main organizer of a new political force. It became known as a movement in support of the army, defense industry and science. The purpose of this organization was not only to protect, but also to revive the Armed Forces of the state. It was very difficult to do this in those conditions. The task of this movement was to ensure that all citizens of Russia, without exception, strictly observe the Constitution, and the authorities, in turn, undertook to ensure in full all the rights and freedoms prescribed in it. In addition, the new force demanded that the authorities carry out democratic reforms.

Quite quickly, the movement grew into a national front, which openly opposed the Yeltsin regime then existing. Rokhlin himself turned from an ordinary military general into one of the most famous and influential political figures in Russia. This movement frankly frightened the entire government elite. Its leader began to be called a provocateur, pushing the army to carry out a military coup in the country. But, despite this, Rokhlin's authority grew every day, and not only in army circles, but also among the population. He was rightfully recognized as the most active opposition politician in 1997-1998.

Elimination of an objectionable general

The intensity of passions was brewing. The climax was the night of July 2-3, 1998. The next morning, the news announced that General Rokhlin had been killed at his dacha, located in the village of Klokovo near Moscow. According to the official version, his wife, Tamara, shot him while he was sleeping, and the reason for this was a banal family quarrel.

In late autumn 2000, the Naro-Fominsk City Court found General Rokhlin's wife guilty of the death of her husband. Tamara Pavlovna appealed to the relevant authorities with a complaint about the too long period of pre-trial detention, as well as the deliberate delay in the trial. Her claim was satisfied and monetary compensation was paid. After 5 years, a new trial took place, where she was again found guilty of murder and sentenced to four years probation.

The real causes of the tragedy

Until now, there are several versions of how the murder of General Rokhlin happened. As mentioned above, the first and official is a family quarrel. But how can you believe it? The wife of General Rokhlin, Tamara Pavlovna, who has been following him all these years without fail through the military garrisons where he had to serve, and raising two children, one of whom is disabled, suddenly kills her husband for no reason because of an ordinary family quarrel ... Although the woman was convicted, convincing evidence of her guilt was never presented.

The second version of the murder is political, in which the Russian special services are involved. On this occasion, there is information that special departments operated in the GRU and the KGB, which were directly involved in the liquidation of people who became objectionable or dangerous to the authorities.

The second version is also supported by the fact that not a single fingerprint was found on the murder weapon - a pistol, including the general's wife. This suggests that professionals acted, and not an ordinary woman who once again quarreled with her husband.

In the case of Rokhlin's murder, there were two fairly strong pieces of evidence that there were strangers in the house. The first of these is a closed front door before the murder and open after it. The second evidence is that three charred corpses were found in a forest belt near the general's dacha, and, according to local residents, they were not there before Rokhlin's murder. This means only one thing: they appeared there immediately after the murder of Lev Yakovlevich. The conclusion suggests itself that the bodies in the forest belt could belong to the killers of Rokhlin, who were removed after the crime they committed.

Protection of the honor and dignity of the family

The life and death of General Rokhlin is still well known. Information about the customers and organizers of the murder was never made public. And, as time has shown, nothing has changed in the vertical of power over these 17 years. Until now, the same Yeltsin formula is in effect: about the Rokhlins, either bad or nothing. Therefore, no one was surprised when another dirty material about their family appeared in Express-Gazeta.

This time, the daughter of General Rokhlin, Elena, filed a lawsuit against the corrupt media for the protection of honor and dignity. In court, the authors of the libel dodged as best they could, having absolutely no evidence regarding their fabrications. In addition, they played for time in every possible way, not being at meetings. As a result, the court ordered the newspaper to publish a refutation. But for this to happen, the general's daughter had to walk around the offices of bailiffs for a whole year and a half!

Conclusion

It should be noted that after Lev Yakovlevich, an opposition leader equal to him did not appear in Russia. And this is not surprising, because no one else had such popularity among the civilian population and military personnel. He enjoyed what is called real authority among the people.

That was Lev Rokhlin. The life and death of the general should serve as an example for today's pseudo-patriots who are inflating a non-existent problem regarding the so-called "enemies" of Russia, without taking any concrete action. It must be remembered what this man did for the Russian army and for the country as a whole. And also try to bring to life and even increase everything that stood up for and for which General Rokhlin was killed.