"The main question of any revolution is the question of power. The February Revolution resolved this main question in an unusually bizarre and contradictory way." In Russia, it was caused by the same reasons, had the same character, solved the same tasks and had the same balance of opposing forces as the first, people's revolution of 1905-1907. After the first revolution, the tasks of overthrowing the autocracy, introducing democratic freedoms, and resolving such important issues as agrarian, labor, and national problems continued to remain unresolved. These were the tasks of the bourgeois-democratic transformation of the country. Therefore, the February Revolution of 1917, like the revolution of 1905-1907, had a bourgeois-democratic character.

However, it took place in a different historical setting. On its eve, there was a sharp aggravation of social and political contradictions, aggravated by a long and exhausting world war. The economic devastation caused by the war and, as a result, the aggravation of the needs and calamities of the masses caused acute social tension in the country, the growth of anti-war sentiments and general dissatisfaction with the policy of the autocracy. By the end of 1916, the country was in a state of deep social and political crisis.

Although these prerequisites for the revolution had been taking shape for a long time, it was not organized, but broke out spontaneously and even unexpectedly for all parties and the government itself. This must be taken into account, since in the Soviet period, historians, in particular, Doctor of Historical Sciences P.A. Golub, adhered to the point of view that the "revolution of 1905-1907 turned out to be a" dress rehearsal "of the February-October events. The Russian revolution gave what it differs sharply from the revolutions in Western Europe. It gave the revolutionary mass, prepared in 1905 for independent speech" October revolution. S. 16..

From the modern point of view, the immediate cause was the following events that took place in the second half of February 1917 in Petrograd. In those days, the food supply of the capital deteriorated sharply. There was enough bread in the country, but due to the devastation of transport, it could not be delivered to the cities in a timely manner. There were long queues at the bakeries, which caused growing discontent among the population. In this situation, any act of the authorities or owners of industrial enterprises that irritates the population could serve as a detonator for a social explosion.

On February 18, the workers of the Putilov factory went on strike and demanded an increase in wages. In response, the management fired the strikers and announced the closure of a number of shops for an indefinite period. The victims were supported by workers and other enterprises of the city.

The outcome of any revolution depends on which side the army ends up on. The defeat of the revolution of 1905 - 1907 was largely due to the fact that, despite a series of uprisings in the army and navy, in general, the army remained loyal to the government. In February 1917, a garrison of about 180,000 soldiers was stationed in Petrograd. It mainly consisted of spare parts that were being prepared for shipment to the front. There were many recruits from the cadre workers, mobilized for participation in strikes, many recovered from the wounds of front-line soldiers. The execution of demonstrators on February 26 caused strong indignation among the soldiers of the garrison. This decisively contributed to their going over to the side of the revolution. The transition of the Petrograd garrison to the side of the revolution ensured the victory of the workers of Petrograd on February 27. Tsarist ministers were arrested, and political prisoners were released from prisons.

"Like the revolution of 1905, the February revolution of 1917 caused a real liberation of the word. Workers, soldiers, peasants, Jewish intellectuals, Muslim women, Armenian teachers through their organizations - factory and soldier committees, village and volost gatherings - sent to the soviets, less often to the parties , in newspapers and even personally to A.F. Kerensky, who was perceived as the closest to the "democratic" camp, thousands of resolutions, petitions, appeals and messages - real "notebooks of complaints of the Russian revolution". Werth N. History of the Soviet state. 1900 -1991 M., 1992. - S. 85. These documents reflected the poverty of the people and the great hope generated by the revolution, punished the new government to take urgent radical measures.

The workers basically asked for the immediate implementation of the measures envisaged by the social democratic program - at least:

Introduction of an 8-hour working day;

Job security;

Social insurance;

The right to form factory committees;

Control over the hiring and firing of workers;

Facilitation of their financial situation - salary increase (by 25 - 30%).

The main demands of the peasants were: Werth N. Ibid S. 86.

Transfer of land to those who cultivate it;

Immediate distribution of neglected, uncultivated lands belonging to large owners or the state;

Shared use of inventory by the rural community;

Forest exploitation;

Fair distribution of land.

As for the soldiers, they most wanted the end of the war. They began to openly express anti-war sentiments. The soldiers, as it was formulated in Order No. 1, demanded: Vert N. Ibid. S. 87.

mitigation of discipline;

stop abuse and abuse;

liberalization and democratization of military institutions.

On February 27, 1917, the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' Deputies was formed with 250 members who elected an Executive Committee headed by the Menshevik N.S. Chkheidze. His deputies were the Menshevik M.I. Skobelev and Trudovik A.F. Kerensky. The majority in the executive committee and in the Soviet itself belonged to the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries, at that time the most numerous and influential left parties among the masses.

The Petrograd Soviet began to act as an organ of revolutionary power, adopting a number of important decisions. So, "his first decision was to seize the financial resources of the tsarist government and establish control over them. On March 1, the Council created the famous "Order No. all weapons were at the disposal and under the control of the committees, but most importantly, they removed the Petrograd garrison from subordination to the old command. Moryakov V.I. and others. History of Russia: A manual for high school students and entrants. - M.: Publishing House of Moscow. un-ta, GIS Publishing House, 1996. - P.297.

Simultaneously with the formation of the Petrograd Soviet, the leaders of the bourgeois parties in the State Duma created on February 27 a "Provisional Committee for the Restoration of Order and for Relations with Persons and Institutions" chaired by M.V. Rodzianko.

From the very first days of the revolution, the Bolsheviks and anarchists predicted the collapse of the conciliatory policy pursued by the Petrograd Soviet. By refusing to recognize the agreement concluded between the government and the Soviet, they represented the only opposition to the policy of dual power. Two major Bolshevik leaders, I. Stalin and L. Kamenev, considered, upon their return to Petrograd, the systematic opposition to the Soviet, which at that time enjoyed the confidence of the masses, "futile and untimely." The February days have so far shown the weakness of the Party, including the army. It had first to organize, to win a majority in the Soviets, to gain the confidence of the soldiers, who constituted the still politically undecided mass. And that means criticizing the policy of the Socialist-Revolutionary-Menshevik leadership of the Soviet, playing the role of a minority under a democratic regime.

The immediate task of the party, according to V. Lenin ("Letters from afar", Zurich, March 20-25, 1917) was to expose the government. "instead of the impermissible, illusion-breeding 'demand' that this government of the capitalists cease to be imperialist." quote from the book by Verta N. History of the Soviet state. P. 88. V. Lenin's position also strengthened thanks to the policy of the crisis that shook the government and the Soviet in connection with the main issue of the day - the question of the war.

"The February revolution did not eliminate the main problems in the country. On the contrary, in March and April, the administrative and economic confusion intensified and, together with a further deterioration in the work of transport, led to an aggravation of the supply situation. At the same time, food supplies were declining. Government attempts to establish effective control over food prices and imposing rationing failed to ease the strain caused by the shortage." Rabinovich. A. The Bolsheviks Come to Power: The Revolution of 1917 in Petrograd: Per. from English / Common. ed. And after. G.Z. Ioffe. - M .: Progress, 1989. - S. 21. In the spring of 1917, workers in a number of industries received a significant increase in wages, but rapidly rising prices quickly brought it to naught, so that by the beginning of summer the economic situation of the workers of Petrograd was, generally speaking, not much better than in February.

After the collapse of the old regime, soldiers and sailors removed from command officers who openly opposed the revolution, as well as those who were particularly cruel. One of the most important innovations was the formation in all military units of democratically elected soldiers' and sailors' committees with broad but indefinite powers. The patriotic declarations of the Provisional Government and its extreme concern to prevent the further movement of the revolution and speed up military preparations caused incomprehensible anxiety.

On February 23, 1917, the February Revolution of 1917 began, otherwise called the February Bourgeois-Democratic Revolution, or the February Revolution - mass anti-government protests by the workers of the city of Petrograd and the soldiers of the Petrograd garrison, which caused the overthrow of the Russian autocracy and led to the creation of the Provisional Government, which concentrated in its hands all legislative and executive power in Russia.

The February revolution began with spontaneous demonstrations by the masses, but its success was also facilitated by an acute political crisis at the top, a sharp dissatisfaction in the liberal-bourgeois circles with the one-man policy of the tsar. Bread riots, anti-war rallies, demonstrations, strikes at industrial enterprises of the city were superimposed on discontent and ferment among the many thousands of the capital's garrison, which joined the revolutionary masses that took to the streets. On February 27 (March 12), 1917, the general strike turned into an armed uprising; the troops that went over to the side of the rebels occupied the most important points of the city, government buildings. In the current situation, the tsarist government showed an inability to take quick and decisive action. The scattered and few forces that remained loyal to him were unable to independently cope with the anarchy that engulfed the capital, and several units withdrawn from the front to suppress the uprising could not break through to the city.

The immediate result of the February Revolution was the abdication of Nicholas II, the end of the Romanov dynasty and the formation of a Provisional Government chaired by Prince Georgy Lvov. This government was closely connected with the bourgeois public organizations that arose during the war years (the All-Russian Zemstvo Union, the City Union, the Central Military Industrial Committee). The provisional government united legislative and executive power in its person, replacing the tsar, the State Council, the Duma and the Council of Ministers and subordinating the highest institutions (the Senate and Synod) to itself. In its Declaration, the Provisional Government announced an amnesty for political prisoners, civil liberties, the replacement of the police by the "people's militia", and the reform of local self-government.

Almost simultaneously, the revolutionary democratic forces formed a parallel body of power - the Petrograd Soviet - which led to a situation known as dual power.

On March 1 (14), 1917, a new government was established in Moscow, during March - throughout the country.

However, the end of the February Revolution and the abdication of the tsar did not end the tragic events in Russia. On the contrary, the period of unrest, war and blood was just beginning.

The main events of 1917 in Russia

date of (old style)	Event
February 23	Beginning of revolutionary demonstrations in Petrograd.
February 26	Dissolution of the State Duma
February 27	Armed uprising in Petrograd. Creation of the Petrograd Soviet.
March 1	Formation of the Provisional Government. Establishment of dual power. Order No. 1 on the Petrograd garrison
2nd of March
April 16	The arrival of the Bolsheviks and Lenin in Petrograd
April 18th
June 18 - July 15
June 18	June crisis of the Provisional Government.
July 2	July Crisis of the Provisional Government
July 3-4
July 22 - 23	Successful offensive of the Romanian-Russian troops on the Romanian front
July 22-23

In the context of a sharply aggravated food crisis, the events of February 1917 took place. On February 22, 1917, the Putilov plant in Petrograd was closed "until special permission." The workers turned to the entire proletariat of the capital for support. The government took steps to prevent a revolution. In early February 1917, the Petrograd Military District was withdrawn from the command of the Northern Front and transferred to the jurisdiction of Minister of War M. A. Belyaev. The commander of the district, General S.S. Khabalov, received emergency powers to suppress possible unrest.

On February 23, 1917, events spontaneously began in Petrograd, which ended just a few days later with the overthrow of the monarchy. Thus, the International Day of Women Workers (March 8, according to the new style) became the first day of the revolution. The rallies of workers that began at the textile factories of the Vyborg side grew into mass demonstrations. From the workers' outskirts, columns of demonstrators headed for the city center. The behavior of the soldiers and Cossacks set the workers in an optimistic mood. Petrograd, meanwhile, took the form of a military camp. Machine guns were installed on fire towers and on some houses. The government decided to fight by arming the police and using the army. On February 25, the soldiers, at the command of their officers, began to use weapons. General Khabalov - received an order from the tsar to immediately end the unrest in the capital. To keep the soldiers from communicating with the rebels, the command of some units did not give them overcoats and shoes.

On February 26, the streets of Petrograd were stained with blood - there was a mass execution of the insurgent workers. These events marked the turning point of the revolution. On February 27, troops began to cross over to the side of the rebels - the execution had an effect that the authorities did not count on. The Petrograd garrison, which at that time numbered 180 thousand people, and together with the troops of the nearest suburbs 300 thousand people, took the side of the people.

Nicholas II wrote in his diary on February 27, 1917: “Unrest broke out in Petrograd a few days ago; unfortunately, the troops began to take part in them. It's a disgusting feeling to be so far away and receive fragmentary bad news. On the afternoon of February 28, the Peter and Paul Fortress was occupied. The position of the remnants of the government troops, who were at the head of General Khabalov in the Admiralty and tried to gain a foothold there, became hopeless, and they laid down their arms and dispersed to their barracks. The tsar's attempt to organize a punitive expedition, led by General I.I. Ivanov, ended in failure.

On the night of February 28, the 4th State Duma, from among its members, created a Provisional Committee to govern the state (chairman - Octobrist M.V. Rodzianko). The committee sought to restore order and save the monarchy. The Committee sent its representatives A.I. Guchkov and V.V. Shulgin to the Headquarters, where the tsar was located, for negotiations with him. Nicholas II still hoped to suppress the uprising with the armed forces, but the troops sent by him went over to the side of the rebels.

Nicholas II, meanwhile, departed from Headquarters, located in Mogilev, hoping to arrive in Tsarskoe Selo. However, the path was occupied by the rebels, and only in the middle of the day on March 1 did the tsar arrive in Pskov, where the headquarters of the Northern Front was located. The question of abdication was soon raised. On the morning of March 2, the front commander, General N. V. Ruzsky, read to Nicholas II "his longest conversation on the apparatus with Rodzianko." The latter insisted on renunciation.

A. I. Guchkov and V. V. Shulgin of the Provisional Committee of the State Duma left for Pskov. Moreover, it was decided to act secretly and quickly, "without asking anyone, without consulting anyone." By the time Guchkov and Shulgin arrived, Nikolai had already made his decision. The abdication was signed by the tsar on March 2 at 11:40 p.m., but in order not to seem as if this act was of a violent nature, the time was set on the manifest when it was signed - 15 hours.

Nicholas II abdicated the throne for himself and for his young son Alexei in favor of his younger brother Mikhail Alexandrovich, however, the latter, in turn, refused to accept supreme power. This meant the complete victory of the revolution. Leaving Pskov late at night on March 2, the former tsar wrote bitter words in his diary: "All around is treason, and cowardice, and deceit." From the evening of March 3 until the morning of March 8, Nikolai was at Headquarters. Leaving, he said goodbye to its inhabitants. According to General N.M. Tikhmenev, head of the Military Communications of the theater of operations, the separation procedure turned out to be very difficult for many: “convulsive, intercepted sobs did not subside ... The officers of the St. two of them fainted. At the other end of the hall, one of the convoy soldiers collapsed.

Meanwhile, in the course of the February events, the workers of Petrograd set about creating Soviets of Workers' Deputies, and elections of deputies were held by enterprises. On the evening of February 27, the first meeting of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies took place in the Tauride Palace. With the full support of the rebels, the Council began to show itself as a real power. The majority in the Soviet turned out to be the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries, who believed that the democratic revolution should culminate in the creation of a democratic government.

The issue of creating such a government was decided in the IV State Duma. The Octobrist and Cadets parties had a majority and influenced the Social Democrats and the Socialist-Revolutionary deputies. On March 1 (14), the executive committee of the Petrograd Soviet decided to give the Provisional Committee of the State Duma the right to form a provisional government from representatives of the political parties that were members of the Soviet. On the same day it was formed headed by Prince G.E. Lvov. Along with it, another power arose - the Soviets, although not officially recognized. A dual power was created in the capital: the power of the Provisional Government and the power of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies. Following Petrograd, the revolution won in Moscow, and then peacefully (“by telegraph”) in most cities and provinces. The provisional government, not having the strength to resist the revolutionary elements, was forced to seek support from the Petrograd Soviet, which relied on armed workers and soldiers. The leadership of the Soviet, which consisted of Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries, provided this support.

The new "tops" who came to power immediately found themselves faced with the need to solve the urgent historical tasks facing the country - ending the war, liquidating the landlord latifundia, allocating land to the peasants, and solving national problems. However, the Provisional Government promised to solve them at the Constituent Assembly and tried to restrain the dissatisfaction of the masses with references to the impossibility of carrying out fundamental reforms during the war.

The multi-authority, which became a nationwide phenomenon, was deepened by two parallel processes occurring simultaneously - the emergence and formation of authorities of different political orientations - the Soviets and various committees: public security, rescue committees. In addition, city dumas, zemstvos, elected under tsarism, continued to function, consisting mainly of representatives of the Octobrist parties, the Cadets, as well as the Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks.

A manifestation of the extraordinary political activity of the broad masses of the people who made the revolution was their participation in thousands of rallies and demonstrations held on various occasions. It seemed that the country could not get out of a state of anarchy, euphoria from an unexpectedly victorious revolution. At the rallies there were searches for answers to questions about what had happened, how to end the war, how to build a Russian democratic republic. The answers offered by the political parties and the authorities were supported by the thesis that henceforth the war was waged in the name of defending the gains of the revolution.

Questions that agitated the country were also discussed daily at meetings of the Petrograd Soviet. On the main thing, about power, the majority proceeded from the fact that the people should have power. An 8-point declaration was drawn up, which the Provisional Government was supposed to base its activities on. The main ones are: freedom of speech, press, unions, the abolition of all class, religious and national restrictions, immediate preparation for the convocation of the All-Russian Constituent Assembly on the basis of a universal, equal, secret and direct vote, which will establish the form of government and prepare the country's constitution.

The interim government postponed the solution of all key issues (on war and peace, agrarian, national) until the Constituent Assembly. Thus, the victory of the February Revolution did not immediately solve the tasks facing the country, which left objective conditions for continuing the struggle to solve them.

Causes and character of the February Revolution.

The February revolution was caused by the same reasons, had the same character, solved the same tasks and had the same balance of opposing forces as the revolution of 1905-1907. (See paragraph "The First Russian Revolution of 1905 - 1907). After the first revolution, the tasks of overthrowing the autocracy (the question of power), introducing democratic freedoms, and resolving agrarian, working, and national issues continued to remain unresolved. The February Revolution of 1917, like the revolution of 1905-1907, had a bourgeois-democratic character.

Features of the February Revolution.

Unlike the first Russian revolution of 1905-1907, the February Revolution of 1917:

It took place against the backdrop of the devastation caused by the First World War;

Active participation in revolutionary events of soldiers and sailors;

The army almost immediately went over to the side of the revolution.

The formation of a revolutionary situation. The revolution was not prepared in advance and broke out unexpectedly both for the government and for the revolutionary parties. It is noteworthy that V.I. Lenin in 1916 did not believe in her imminent arrival. He said: "We old people may not live to see the decisive battles of this coming revolution." However, by the end of 1916, the economic devastation, the aggravation of the needs and calamities of the masses caused social tension, the growth of anti-war sentiment and dissatisfaction with the policy of the autocracy. By early 1917, the country was in a social and political crisis.

The beginning of the revolution. In February 1917, the supply of bread in Petrograd worsened. The country had enough bread, but due to the devastation of the transport, it was not delivered on time. There were queues at the bakeries, which caused discontent among the people. In this situation, any act of the authorities could cause a social explosion. On February 18, the workers of the Putilov factory went on strike. In response, the management fired the strikers. They were supported by the workers of other enterprises. On February 23 (March 8, NS) a general strike began. It was accompanied by rallies with the slogans "Bread!", "Peace!" "Freedom!", "Down with the war!" "Down with autocracy!" February 23, 1917 considered the beginning of the February Revolution.

At first, the government did not attach much importance to these events. The day before, Nicholas II, having assumed the duties of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief, left Petrograd for Headquarters in the city of Mogilev. However, events escalated. On February 24, 214 thousand people were already on strike in Petrograd, and on the 25th - over 300 thousand (80% of the workers). Demonstrations expanded. The Cossacks sent to disperse them began to go over to the side of the demonstrators. Commander of the Petrograd Military District General S.S. Khabalov received an order from the king: “I command you to stop the unrest in the capital tomorrow.” On February 26, Kha-ba-lov ordered to open fire on the demonstrators: 50 people were killed, hundreds were wounded.

The outcome of any revolution depends on which side the army ends up on. The defeat of the revolution of 1905-1907 in many respects it was due to the fact that, on the whole, the army remained faithful to tsarism. In February 1917, there were 180 thousand soldiers in Petrograd, who were being prepared to be sent to the front. There were many recruits from workers mobilized for participating in strikes. They did not want to go to the front, they easily succumbed to revolutionary propaganda. The execution of the demonstrators aroused the indignation of the soldiers of the garni-zone. The soldiers of the Pavlovsky regiment seized the arsenal and handed over the weapons to the workers. On March 1, there were already 170 thousand soldiers on the side of the rebels. The remnants of the garrison, along with Khabalov, surrendered. The transition of the garrison zone to the side of the revolution ensured its victory. Tsarist ministers were arrested, police stations were destroyed and burned down, and political prisoners were released from prisons.

Creation of new authorities. Petrograd Soviet of Workers' Deputies (February 27, 1917). The Petrograd Soviet consisted of 250 members. Chairman - Menshevik N.S. Chkheidze, deputies - Menshevik M.I. Skobelev and Trudovik A.F. Kerensky(1881-1970). The Petrosoviet was dominated by the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries, at that time the most numerous left-wing parties. They put forward the slogan of "civil peace", the consolidation of all classes, political freedoms. By decision of the Petrograd Soviet, the royal finances were seized.

« Order No. 1» was published by the Petrosoviet on March 1, 1917. Electoral Sol-Danish committees weapons were placed at their disposal. The titles of officers and saluting them were abolished. Although this order was intended only for the Petrograd garrison, it soon spread to the fronts. "Order No. 1" was destructive, undermined the principle of unity of command in the army, led to its collapse and mass desertion.

Creation of the Provisional Government. The leaders of the bourgeois parties in the State Duma created on February 27 "Provisional Committee of the State Duma" under the leadership of the Chairman of the IV Duma M. V. Rod-zyanko. March 2, 1917. The Petrograd Soviet and the Provisional Committee of the State Duma formed Provisional Government composed of:

Chairman - Prince G. E. Lvov(1861-1925), non-party liberal, close to the Cadets and Octobrists:

Minister of Foreign Affairs - Cadet P. N. Milyukov(1859-1943);

Military and Naval Minister - Octobrist A. I. Guchkov(1862-1936);

Minister of Communications - a tech-style magnate from the Ivanovo region, a member of the Progressive Party A. I. Konovalov(1875-1948);

Minister of Agriculture - A. I. Shingarev (1869-1918);

Minister of Finance - sugar breeder M. I. Te-reschenko(1886-1956);

Minister of Education - liberal populist A. A. Manuilov;

King's abdication. Nicholas II was at Headquarters in the city of Mogilev and did not understand the danger of the situation. On February 27, having received news of the beginning of the revolution from the chairman of the IV Duma, M.V. The tsar placed responsibility for the unrest in the capital on the Duma and ordered its dissolution. Later, he ordered to send punitive troops to the capital under the command of General N. I. Ivanova, appointed commander of the Petrograd garrison instead of Khabalov. However, information about the victory of the revolution in Petrograd and about the transition of troops to its side forced General Ivanov to refrain from punitive actions.

On February 28, the tsar and his retinue went to Petrograd, but the tsar's train could not get through to the capital and turned to Pskov, where the headquarters of the commander of the Northern Front, General N.V. Ryuzsky. After negotiations with Rodzianko and the commanders of the fronts, Nicholas II decided to abdicate in favor of his 13-year-old son Alexei, under the regency of his brother Mikhail. On March 2, representatives of the Provisional Committee of the Duma arrived in Pskov A.I. Guchkov And V.V. Shulgin. They convinced the king to "transfer the burden of government to other hands." Nicholas II signed a manifesto on abdication in favor of his brother Michael. The tsar made an entry in his diary: "There is treason and cowardice and deceit all around!"

Subsequently, Nicholas was with his family under house arrest in the Tsarskoye Selo Palace. In the summer of 1917, by decision of the Provisional Government, the Romanovs were sent into exile in Tobolsk. In the spring of 1918, they were moved by the Bolsheviks to Yekaterinburg, where they were shot in July 1918, along with their entourage.

Guchkov and Shulgin returned to Petrograd with a manifesto on the abdication of Nicholas. The toast in honor of the new Emperor Mikhail, proclaimed by Guchkov, aroused indignation among the workers. They threatened Guchkov with execution. On March 3, members of the Provisional Government met with Mikhail Romanov. After heated discussions, the majority voted for Mi-hail's abdication. He agreed and signed the abdication. The autocracy has fallen. It has come dual power.

The essence of duality. During the transitional period - from the moment the victory of the revolution to the adoption of the constitution and the formation of new authorities - the Provisional Revolutionary Government usually operates, whose duty is to break the old apparatus of power, to consolidate the gains of the revolution by decrees and convocation Constituent Assembly, which determines the form of the future state structure of the country and adopts the constitution. However, a feature of the February Revolution of 1917 was that there was an unparalleled history dual power represented by the socialist Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies (" strength without power”), on the one hand, and the liberal Provisional Government (“ power without power"), with another.

The meaning of the February Revolution of 1917:

There was an overthrow of the self-power;

Russia received maximum political freedoms.

The revolution won, but it did not solve all the problems. Cruel trials awaited the country ahead.

By the evening of February 27, almost the entire composition of the Petrograd garrison - about 160 thousand people - went over to the side of the rebels. The commander of the Petrograd Military District, General Khabalov, is forced to inform Nicholas II: “I ask you to report to His Imperial Majesty that I could not fulfill the order to restore order in the capital. Most of the units, one after the other, betrayed their duty, refusing to fight against the rebels.

The idea of ​​a “cartel expedition”, which provided for the removal of hotel military units from the front and sending them to rebellious Petrograd, did not continue. All this threatened to turn into a civil war with unpredictable consequences.
Acting in the spirit of revolutionary traditions, the rebels released from prisons not only political prisoners, but also criminals. At first, they easily overcame the resistance of the Kresty guards, and then they took the Peter and Paul Fortress.

The unruly and motley revolutionary masses, not disdaining murders and robberies, plunged the city into chaos.
On February 27, at about 2 o'clock in the afternoon, the soldiers occupied the Tauride Palace. The State Duma found itself in a dual position: on the one hand, according to the decree of the emperor, it should have dissolved itself, but on the other hand, the pressure of the rebels and the virtual anarchy forced them to take some action. A compromise solution was a meeting under the guise of a "private meeting".
As a result, it was decided to form a body of power - the Provisional Committee.

Later, the former Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Provisional Government, P. N. Milyukov, recalled:

“The intervention of the State Duma gave the street and military movement a center, gave it a banner and a slogan, and thereby turned the uprising into a revolution that ended in the overthrow of the old regime and dynasty.”

The revolutionary movement grew more and more. The soldiers capture the Arsenal, the main post office, telegraph, bridges and train stations. Petrograd was completely in the hands of the rebels. A real tragedy broke out in Kronstadt, which was swept by a wave of lynching, resulting in the murder of more than a hundred officers of the Baltic Fleet.
On March 1, the chief of staff of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief, General Alekseev, in a letter implores the emperor "for the sake of saving Russia and the dynasty, put at the head of the government a person whom Russia would trust."

Nicholas declares that by giving rights to others, he deprives himself of the power granted to them by God. The opportunity for a peaceful transformation of the country into a constitutional monarchy had already been lost.

After the abdication of Nicholas II on March 2, a dual power actually developed in the state. Official power was in the hands of the Provisional Government, but the real power belonged to the Petrograd Soviet, which controlled the troops, railways, post office and telegraph.
Colonel Mordvinov, who was on the royal train at the time of his abdication, recalled Nikolai's plans to move to Livadia. “Your Majesty, leave as soon as possible abroad. Under the current conditions, even in the Crimea there is no life,” Mordvinov tried to convince the king. "No way. I would not want to leave Russia, I love her too much, ”Nikolai objected.

Leon Trotsky noted that the February uprising was spontaneous:

“No one planned in advance the ways of a coup, no one from above called for an uprising. The indignation that had accumulated over the years broke out to a large extent unexpectedly for the masses themselves.

However, Milyukov, in his memoirs, insists that the coup was planned shortly after the start of the war and before "the army was supposed to go on the offensive, the results of which would radically stop all hints of discontent and would cause an explosion of patriotism and jubilation in the country." “History will curse the leaders of the so-called proletarians, but it will also curse us who caused the storm,” wrote the former minister.
The British historian Richard Pipes calls the actions of the tsarist government during the February uprising "fatal weakness of will", noting that "the Bolsheviks in such circumstances did not stop before executions."
Although the February Revolution is called "bloodless", it nevertheless claimed the lives of thousands of soldiers and civilians. In Petrograd alone, more than 300 people died and 1,200 were injured.

The February revolution began an irreversible process of the collapse of the empire and the decentralization of power, accompanied by the activity of separatist movements.

Independence was demanded by Poland and Finland, they started talking about independence in Siberia, and the Central Rada formed in Kyiv proclaimed "autonomous Ukraine".

The events of February 1917 allowed the Bolsheviks to come out of hiding. Thanks to the amnesty announced by the Provisional Government, dozens of revolutionaries returned from exile and political exile, who were already hatching plans for a new coup d'état.