Stalin - the defender of the Russian land (The life of Joseph Stalin, about which we knew nothing at all). Myths and legends of the Stalin era: what we inherited National problems we inherited

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: Hello, I am Natella Boltyanskaya. You listen to Ekho Moskvy, you watch the RTVi channel. This is a cycle of programs "In the Name of Stalin" together with the publishing house "Russian Political Encyclopedia" with the support of the foundation named after the first president of Russia Boris Nikolayevich Yeltsin. Our guest today is historian Nikita Sokolov. Hello.

N. SOKOLOV: Good evening.

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: And you know, it was very interesting that we formulated the topic. “We are with you,” I said loudly. Regarding the fact that some part of the mythologized history - it was left to us as a legacy. Moreover, I really like the idea of the Commission against the falsification of history. I think so, you too. But maybe we will talk in more detail about what exactly we have inherited in connection with the mythologization of history?

N. SOKOLOV: Well, yes. Actually, I was going to talk about this specifically. Now, if it suddenly opened somewhere - I really want to organize such a virtual museum - a museum of gifts from Comrade Stalin Russian people.

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: The main gift?

N. SOKOLOV: There would be many different things. And characteristically, your program is called "The Name of Stalin." Here are many things that are obviously decorated with the name of Stalin as a sign of quality, and they are easily recognizable. But in this museum, first of all, I placed what was especially close to me and what was completely not associated with the name of Stalin in the mass consciousness.

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: Namely?

N. SOKOLOV: The fact is that one of Comrade Stalin's main gifts to the modern Russian people, in my opinion, is the image of history that is contained in the heads of most of our compatriots. It is the exact work of Comrade Stalin.

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: But please. After all, our compatriots argue quite objectively that just as we were in the ring of enemies, so we remained in the ring of enemies. As they envied our conquests and our successful industrialization in just a couple of decades from Sakha to advanced technologies, they continue to envy. Here we have oil, but someone does not. What is there? what about Comrade Stalin? We were not lucky with the environment.

N. SOKOLOV: The fact is that this very structure, that Russia is always a besieged fortress, and therefore it cannot live otherwise than a besieged garrison, this structure itself was established not only during Stalin’s rule, but under his personal and extremely active participation.

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: Come on, Nikit. Even Alexander Sergeevich Pushkin in "The Young Lady-Peasant Woman" wrote that Russian bread will not be born in someone else's manner, through the mouth of one of his goodies. And what about Stalin?

N. SOKOLOV: Well, all right. We are still talking about the image of history, which is broadcast, say, by the school. And, of course, the patriotic swirls of Russian writers can be found in this.

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: Everything, I brush aside, I take back all my words. Let's prove it.

N. SOKOLOV: Yes. But this, after all, is such a writer's liberty, historical journalism. And besides, what you are quoting seems to be even the words of the hero, and not the writer himself. Although, I'm afraid to lie, I do not remember exactly. But there is a certain normative image of history that is broadcast by the school.

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: Namely?

N. SOKOLOV: The school textbook contains some construction of national history. So here is the construction of national history, its most general edge, which leads to the most general conclusions about what experience this society has and what is natural for it, this is the work of Comrade Stalin. Let me describe it to you in a nutshell.

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: Please.

N. SOKOLOV: Yes. And you tell me ... I'll caricature him a little for clarity, but not much. What kind of understanding of Russian history ours has - I have repeatedly checked this with the help of surveys, I taught at the University, students came with this knowledge, so I guarantee that it is so. So, for people who are not specifically involved in history, what does it look like? There was a great powerful state, it was called Kievan Rus, now it is simply called Ancient Rus, so as not to be associated with Kiev. United, powerful, the Kyiv prince ruled with an iron hand, the people prospered. Then many princes divorced, these fools, for the sake of their ambitions and squabbles, smashed the great power to pieces, and then terrible disasters came for the people, and the people became gray to such an extent that even wild steppe nomads defeated it, a terrible Mongol yoke came and full of people desecration and weakening.

And then the great and wise princes of Moscow, with an iron hand in tight grips, gathered all this people, established a reliable vertical of power. And we, the Russian people, are obliged to love this vertical avidly, no matter how outrageous it may sometimes be, because without this vertical of power, without this authoritarian, monarchical or simply authoritarian power, we are the ultimate death, we cannot live otherwise. This design - it is, strictly speaking ...

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: Introduced by Comrade Stalin?

N. SOKOLOV: Of course. You won't find it in any pre-revolutionary literature... Dynamics is very important here. There was a pre-revolutionary school, until 1917. In none of this literature will you find a monarchy in Ancient Russia, there is a very clear idea that this is a different, much more complex society in which there is no single authority.

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: But forgive me, Nikit. After all, you must admit that among those who share this kind of concept, not all are, so to speak, yesterday's or today's schoolchildren. This concept is generally very easy to understand, am I not right? Moreover, in my opinion, another concept is automatically and simply sewn on to it - the price does not matter.

N. SOKOLOV: Yes, of course.

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: But this is already... You know, when you read that, they say, why are you defending traitors? If someone accidentally got innocent, then it's okay - the result was achieved. Your will. This is very often written to us. I can't take it, how is it? A person takes and forgives someone the life of another person, or the life of another person, or the life of other people. Like this? So. Why do you think that this is all the result of Stalin's influence?

N. SOKOLOV: Because people mostly get this information from a school textbook, but popular historical literature broadcasts exactly the same, cinema broadcasts exactly the same, and in recent decades and television is extremely active. Exactly the same model. And when this process lasted extremely briefly, history was freed from political guardianship, it happened somewhere on the border of approximately 1987-1988, and historians were able to present what they really know about the historical process, then this scheme collapsed instantly, and began to appear new other history textbooks with a completely different picture. Where Russia is no besieged fortress, where it is a much more complex society, where institutions on an equal footing have played a much more important role at different times.

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: Well, look. If we assume, if we agree with your position, then what do we get? That from the moment Iosif Vissarionovich came to power finally, without questions, without doubts, without fears, he faced, to a certain extent, a PR task to give the people the opportunity to justify everything that would be done to them by the authorities. So?

N. SOKOLOV: I don’t know to what extent…

N. SOKOLOV: I do not presume to judge to what extent Comrade Stalin was consciously and clearly aware of this for himself. We do not have sources for this, since Comrade Stalin, according to his closest friends, for example, Kaganovich, was a great conspirator - he did not even fully tell his closest employees his plans, they had to guess about them. But everything he did clearly shows that he prepared intentionally and on purpose. Here is this famous story with the compilation of the first school textbook. How was historical science actually born in our country? First, comrades Zhdanov, Stalin and Kirov wrote a wonderful summary of the textbook, then they compiled a textbook for schools, and then which Comrade Stalin himself personally copied for 3 months and added a lot to it.

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: How, for example?

N. SOKOLOV: May I have a little later?

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: Yes.

N. SOKOLOV: More details a bit later. And only then, a year later, the Institute of History was created as the main party historical department, which then for 50 years this textbook tried to prop up scientific developments. No big success.

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: Give us an example?

N. SOKOLOV: What exactly did Comrade Stalin introduce?

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: Yes.

N. SOKOLOV: Yes. For the most part, Stalin's editing proceeded in several directions. First and foremost, he emphasized those places where firm power, authoritarian power, deeply centralized power, had to be shown as salvific and the only possible one. This idea that Grozny's oprichnina was an instrument of state centralization, this phrase was directly entered by Comrade Stalin personally in a school textbook. It was not there, not a single pre-revolutionary historian would have taken it, and now not a single honest historian will undertake to assert this.

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: You know, however sad it may seem, everything you said inexorably leads to one sad conclusion. The conclusion is that. Yes, there was Comrade Stalin, who tried to plant in the minds of his compatriots what he considered necessary. And what about us, in modern terms?.. That is, the society accepted it all with gratitude and continues to accept it, and will continue to accept it. And no luck, it turns out, with the people?

N. SOKOLOV: No. In my opinion, the mechanics are completely different, because in order to implement this program, to implement the program of such a historical concept, Comrade Stalin still needed to do a lot of preliminary work. In order for this program to be carried out, it was necessary to destroy the historical community, the scientists-historians. This was done shortly after the revolution and completed by the 1929-1930 trials of the Leningrad historians Oldenburg and Platonov. The academic corporation of historians as a corporation of bearers of a certain standard, a standard of truth, a standard of attitude, a conscientious attitude to a subject - this corporation was destroyed. That is, he caught up with a monstrous fear, and everyone got on all fours, looked the authorities in the mouth and waited for a command from her. Only those who were ready to write what they would say remained, only after that it became possible to create such a textbook.

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: And this is one of the gifts, as you put it, in our virtual museum of Joseph Vissarionovich's gifts to modern Russian society. What other gifts can you talk about? While this gift, in fact, it is to some extent, it really spreads, it is fragrant in all aspects of our lives. So?

N. SOKOLOV: Well, I will talk about historical gifts, about gifts in the sense of historical concepts. AT last years, over the past 5 years, has become more active in the public consciousness, well, again, at the suggestion of the authorities, which have been extremely concerned, since 2001, with the issue of the national idea. The question of the turmoil of the 17th century arose sharply. We have already come up with a national holiday on November 4th, which suddenly became the day when we beat the Poles. Never in your life will you find the words "Polish intervention" in any pre-revolutionary literature. What is the turmoil of the 17th century? In general, "trouble" Russian word means civil war. And the turmoil of the 17th century is a civil war in Russian society. Different parties of this society - yes, they were looking for allies outside, and they found some Swedes, some Poles, some Cossacks, but this civil war is inside. And personally, Comrade Stalin, again, this textbook included this idea of the turmoil of the 17th century as foreign intervention - as if it were not an internal problem, as if all Russian people were absolutely unanimous about their future, and all turmoil and in regarding the existing state order are absolutely unanimous. And any confusion comes from foreigners.

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: Well, of course. Those who jackals at the embassies, with their hands.

N. SOKOLOV: Those who jackal - well, in modern terms. (laughs)

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: Simply insanely modern.

N. SOKOLOV: And yet, our current government is adopting it in a striking way... Probably, it's natural when the authorities take such tools into their hands, then, naturally, one can start copying both words and manner.

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: Here, again, I want to return to society. You know, yesterday I read on the Internet one completely wonderful story. That when in one of the Scandinavian countries during the Nazi occupation there was a decision to dissolve the Supreme Court, there were protests against this case. And they said it was illegal. When, nevertheless, it was said that the leaders of the court would be appointed by the government, then all the members of this Supreme Court resigned. Also a modern lovely example, isn't it?

N. SOKOLOV: Yes, we have not heard anything similar from our Constitutional Court and will not hear it.

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: No, you have already heard. But we are now dealing with a slightly earlier era in the life of our society. And still. Convenient myths are clothed in a convenient form, that is, let's say, events are given a convenient coloring, a convenient shape, a comfortable hairstyle, and they are involved in a modern, I don't even know what to call it, impact. So?

N. SOKOLOV: I think that there is a slightly different mechanism here. After this scheme is implemented and after with the help of this scheme, after this scheme has been introduced into the consciousness of several generations. And it took root, look, there in 1936 the first school textbook was published. Here, from 1936 to 1986, for 50 years this scheme was continuously drummed into. Then there was a short break, about 2 years since 1995, an era of some historical freedom, and at school too. And then the reverse movement began. Historians noticed him earlier, and the general public noticed him after Mikhail Kasyanov's speech about the school textbook - it was 2001.

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: Do you know what I'm thinking about now, listening to you? I think a blasphemous thing. At some point, it turns out that it makes sense to agree with the people who write us text messages like “Comrade Stalin planted little.” It turns out that he planted a little. Because it seems to me that not a single person from those who went through all this, from those who were brought up in orphanages as the son of an enemy of the people, from those who lived in territories where entire nations were resettled, from those who turned out to be ... A lot, let's just say, ways to somehow crush an unnecessary and superfluous group of the population. So it turns out that the more people would go through this crucible, the less there would be a danger to return to it now. Is not it so?

N. SOKOLOV: ....

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: The same idea that was expressed in the film "Repentance".

N. SOKOLOV: The fact is that historical memory - and society lives historical memory, it does not live scientific memory - very short. This is 2-3 generations, while grandfathers are talking. Further, direct succession ceases, and great-grandchildren can already be complete Stalinists and not remember the torment of their grandfather.

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: Why doesn't this happen with Nazism in Germany?

N. SOKOLOV: In Germany, for many decades, specially implemented government programs implementing public consensus. So a public consensus was reached, it was even formally legalized at a meeting in the town (INAUDIBLE) and formalized in a special document. The first point of this consensus is that teaching humanities, and history in particular, should by no means be the subject of indoctrination.

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: And how to determine whether this or that part of science is indoctrinated or not?

N. SOKOLOV: To monitor the observance of the terms of this consensus in Germany, there is a whole special state department that is very closely monitoring that no party, no ideology seeps into the teaching of the humanities.

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: Varangians to reign again?

N. SOKOLOV: Well, I don't know. Not the Varangians, of course, but foreign experience should be used as useful as possible. We have completely opposite actions - we have all the power of the state machine for some time, that's right, since 2001, it has been aimed at restoring the Stalinist model of history.

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: But wait. After all, you are talking about the restoration of the Stalinist model? Most of the people who reproach those who read out some black scary sides, pages of that era, they say that you are trying to belittle the great victory, you are trying to belittle the significance of the gigantic feat of our people, which for several decades has passed the path of centuries. And here Stalin, it would seem? Because as far as I understand. among those who say that Stalin was bad, no one says that it is bad that the Soviet Union won the Great Patriotic War. Not so bad! The question is, at what cost?

N. SOKOLOV: Well, in fact, this is the main historical question - the question of price. I don’t like such a formulation of the question at all, but here is one of Stalin’s usual arguments and his historians: the great Soviet government created an aviation industry in Russia. And what, Rebushinsky would not have created the aviation industry?

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: Well, history does not know the subjunctive mood.

N. SOKOLOV: There is no answer to this question, but many types of industry were created without the Bolsheviks and without such a terrible mobilization, and no chips flew. And somehow managed. I think they would do it again. In general, this whole model of a mobilization country, which is like Ilya Muromets ... What format of behavior is prescribed for us, for Russian people in general? That we harness for a long time, like Ilya Muromets, we lie on the stove for 30 years, but then, as soon as we get up, we will do everything in an instant. Well, that's not all.

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: Well, that probably doesn't happen.

N. SOKOLOV: For a thousand years, Russia lived in a completely harmonious way, until the power - this happened during the time of Peter the Great - until the power usurped absolutely all methods of action, paralyzed the will and freedom of the people to act at their own discretion. And here begins a series of reforms and counter-reforms. Power rests on one thing, let's do it now, in 25 years - no, let's counter-reform.

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: But, nevertheless, supporters of some positive pages of Stalin's activity say: “Under Stalin, the Soviet Union was an international state. What do we have today? And today we have in the space of the former Soviet Union a lot of difficult, hot spots, right?

N. SOKOLOV: One of Comrade Stalin's gifts to a school textbook is the concept of peoples joining Russia as the lesser evil. Yes, Russia was a prison of peoples - then it could not be denied, it was the main Leninist thesis and the revolution, in fact, it arose on this, to a large extent it was fed by this, a national conflict, and therefore it was impossible to deny that Russia was a prison of peoples. But Stalin figured out how to avoid this completely. He spent a lot of effort to rehabilitate the old Russia with its firm monarchical power. And in particular, this concept of the entry of small peoples into Russia as the lesser evil was invented, otherwise it would be much worse for them. But in fact, all modern national problems in the space of the former Soviet Union are the product of Stalin's national policy. This cannot be denied.

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: Well, this probably cannot be denied, but on the other hand, to say that it is now being reflected ... I have the impression that, after all, this is something that contemporaries use in a form convenient for themselves.

N. SOKOLOV: Well, of course. But if we continue this story about internationalism. When people say this, what do they mean? Do they mean the formal ban that followed in 1942 to publish data on the exploits of Soviet Jewish soldiers? Do they mean it? Do they even know about it?

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: I think that they a) don't know about it, b) don't want to count, and c) think that you are all lying.

N. SOKOLOV: Hmm!

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: Well, what?

N. SOKOLOV: Well, God bless them, let them think so. But it is. This is a historically material fact.

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: I think that we will now stop on this optimistic note. Let me remind you that the historian Nikita Sokolov is visiting us, and we are discussing gifts. Here we have such a virtual museum of Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin's gifts to modern Russian society. And it seems to me that we still have exhibits worth stopping at in this museum, literally we will do it in a couple of minutes.

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: So, we continue our conversation with the historian Nikita Sokolov about the "gifts", about the legacy of Stalinism, which, let's say, we have and can observe today. Well, 2 points I shook out of you. But at the same time, our listeners write to us: “You are afraid of Stalin. Don't you have anything else to talk about?" or “Don’t you think,” such a question came up on the Internet, “that, they say, you are only raising this person’s rating? May be enough?"

N. SOKOLOV: Well, in a sense, it might be enough, if only, like with war, if all the dead were buried. God be with him, standing Stalin, but the thing is that in our society his ideology is not buried, it should be buried. And until this ideology is buried, moreover, until the elements of this ideology are adopted by the authorities, we will have to talk about it - this is my deepest conviction.

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: But again. agree that the authorities are adopting some, let's say, techniques - it's free for her. And the people eat them with pleasure - at ease. How did the father of all nations say there? "I have no other people for you," yes?

N. SOKOLOV: There is no other people.

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: And what do you want? If society accepts it.

N. SOKOLOV: First, what does society accept?

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: Well, how? Society accepts, the mouth slightly opens for some critical remark, numerous voices are immediately heard “Why do you dislike our homeland so much?”

N. SOKOLOV: Yes. "You are slanderers of Russia."

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: Yes, “You are slanderers of Russia.” That is what? Everyone is out of step, only Nikita Pavlovich Sokolov is in step? Well, relatively speaking, in this situation.

N. SOKOLOV: So, firstly, I am a historian, and it is easier for me to answer this historically. And secondly, and the argument here, it seems to me, can only be historical. Here is the argument. Russian society, the people you are talking about, and from which I do not exclude myself at all. Russian society has been carried away by its own greatness several times. Several times over the past 200 years, Russian society has fallen ill with this severe patriotic fever. Herzen even spoke about patriotic syphilis, since it is such a virus transmitted from person to person. And as a result, they lost a real idea of themselves and their capabilities, and their place in the world, which is very important. As soon as... Here is the same patriotic fever - how does it develop? At first, it is defensive in nature: “Why are you attacking us? We are no worse than others"

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: Well, for example.

N. SOKOLOV: Yes, this is the first stage.

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: “But we make rockets and blocked the Yenisei, and also in the field of ballet we are ahead of the rest.”

N. SOKOLOV: We are no worse than others. Well, really, not worse, not better. The era of such a normal patriotic self-consciousness is coming, in Russia associated, say, with the war of 1812, with the generation of the Decembrists. When yes, it was clear that there were problems in the country, there was serfdom, there was no properly arranged political system. Normal ways to solve these problems are known, and it is known how to solve them. But then when the war was won, and another point of view prevailed. The point of view has overcome - everyone remembers it, but not everyone remembers whose it is: "Russia's past is magnificent, its present is brilliant, and the future exceeds the wildest expectations."

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: Well, of course.

N. SOKOLOV: Yes. But only many do not remember that this is the point of view of Alexander Khristoforovich Benkendorf, the chief of the gendarmes. So he said that from this point of view, Russian history should be considered and written. This is a gendarmerie's point of view on history.

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: And how, from your point of view, should this whole story be treated? I now did not mention “history” as a science.

N. SOKOLOV: I would like to finish talking about this historical fever. As soon as they pass into the stage of national complacency, as soon as serfdom and autocracy from the sins of the nation become its main achievements, and this should be taught to Europe. Here we have found the truth, our serfdom is not a sin, Gogol wrote this way, this is our main advantage. “The landlords can raise the cultural level of their peasants, which Europe is deprived of,” Gogol writes directly in correspondence with friends.

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: Opponents of abolitionism also wrote that since they took care of the slaves...

N. SOKOLOV: Yes, wonderful. Such were human relations, subtle, delicate. But as soon as this patriotic fever leads to the fact that reality is lost and Constantinople should be ours, and the task of internal improvement of the country is replaced by the need to take care of its external image, its external power, a catastrophe immediately ensues.

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: Well, what does Stalin have to do with it?

N. SOKOLOV: And how else does society come to reason, in your opinion? Here for the first time it came to its senses in the terrible Sevastopol catastrophe of 1856. And then the most ardent patriots began to write that only slaves praise the order of this Nikolaev Russia, and this is the order of a cemetery where nothing living can be. Right now, we are experiencing another surge of this patriotic blindness, which, probably, will inevitably end in disaster.

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: Well, it turns out that it is impossible to treat him?

N. SOKOLOV: Other people who hurt themselves will be treated.

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: But, do you understand how? Someone hurts, and someone feels great while doing it. Who is reading there? Stalin's dialogues will never be buried, rather you will be buried - you are not slanderers, you are traitors.

N. SOKOLOV: Well, yes, in a certain sense.

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: Or, for example, if I do not count, but I know that you are not all, but you are lying a lot - that is also very nice. "With your ideology, Russia and all of Europe would now be under the Germans." In my opinion, this is a classic example, by the way, of that same gift. I understand that the science of history does not know the subjunctive mood, but, nevertheless, is it possible even for a second to try to unwind such an alternative historical line?

N. SOKOLOV: Well, I'm not a big fan of such constructions, but I have experience and a completely realistic attempt to build such a program. It is believed that if the Germans in the occupied territories had dissolved collective farms, then most likely they would have won the war. Well, anyway, there is such a hypothesis. Not baseless.

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: Good. Let's be with you...

N. SOKOLOV: But here's what I would like to object to. And what, here, only a society, such a total-authoritarian and repressive society, can win the war?

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: Well, how? From the point of view of people who profess this theory, this is confirmed by the fact that, let's say, European regimes of varying degrees of liberality could not oppose anything to Hitler.

N. SOKOLOV: Great Britain failed to oppose anything?

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: Well, how? Did British soldiers reach Berlin and hoist the red flag on the Reichstag?

N. SOKOLOV: The British soldiers did not enter Berlin, just like the American ones, for one reason, which is also documented. The Americans refused to take several large cities, including Berlin, because it required monstrous loss of life. BUT american generals considered human lives. And they could not afford to put almost a million people on the Seelow Heights for the sake of happiness to hoist a flag over the Reichstag.

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: Here I would like to say, here, a note bene. Attention! It is very important.

N. SOKOLOV: Well, they have a different idea of the acceptable price of any victory. This does not mean that they are less effective at war.

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: Well, that is, you, let's say, confirm the thesis, published not so long ago in Novaya Gazeta, which was repeatedly heard by the writer Astafyev, that he simply threw corpses at him.

N. SOKOLOV: Yes. And any mentally healthy front-line soldier will tell you this.

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: Well, as I understand it, this does not frighten many of our compatriots, especially when it comes to the corpses of those who are not their loved ones.

N. SOKOLOV: Are they ready with their own corpses and their own children?

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: No. No one is ever ready to throw anyone with their own corpses - you understand that.

N. SOKOLOV: No. Now it's no longer obvious to me. So these people who write this, are they trying on such an opportunity for themselves?

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: Why should we try on ourselves? We are well fed here, as one cartoon character said. Everything is fine, you understand? Everything is great.

N. SOKOLOV: This inability to try on oneself is completely analogous and even comes from the inability to perceive historical experience. The inability to perceive history not as a matter of pride, but as a historical experience. And this experience is valuable precisely because it contains mistakes and crimes, and peoples learn from them only. If we remove dark places from this historical experience and leave only an object for pride, then we will stop learning from history. And these people who say that even now they are ready to throw corpses...

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: They are not ready to throw corpses. They have forgiven those who have already been abandoned.

N. SOKOLOV: If they have forgiven, if they are morally ready to forgive those who have already been thrown, then they will be thrown dead next time.

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: Here is a message from Alexei from Kazan: “We are doomed to return to Stalin when everything is bad, we want order and a strong hand. When it’s good, we want greatness and recognition.” And immediately after another message: “Stalin carried out selection, destroying all the garbage that society did not need. By killing hundreds of thousands of people, Stalin gave the future to millions. Sometimes it is possible and necessary to kill for the good of society, ”Kir signed this person. Here, different poles, right?

N. SOKOLOV: That’s exactly what I’m trying to say, just in a little different words - that modern Russian society, its mentality, its ways of solving problems, how it assumes it is correct and possible to solve problems - this is largely the work of Comrade Stalin, in particular his historical doctrine.

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: Nikita, you must excuse me. But a person who today is a hypothesis, this is not the ultimate truth - a person who today professes exactly such a story, he says to himself what? That, perhaps, in relation to someone was wrong, perhaps. But I survived, my ancestors survived, I was born? And I seem to be quite average a common person. So, it turns out what? It turns out that they destroyed the unnecessary, it turns out that all this selection was carried out exactly in the name of my beloved. I'm exaggerating, perhaps?

N. SOKOLOV: No, you are not exaggerating at all. And this is a completely unconscious problem in our homeland, and the problem has long been recognized by Europeans. Survivors do not have the right to talk about the Holocaust because they do not have the fullness of this experience. Only the dead could testify to this, and this is impossible.

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: Well, only the survivors saw how it all happened.

N. SOKOLOV: And what did you see? That's it ... Recently there was a wonderful book, what remains of Auschwitz? From the whole of Auschwitz, there were 2 fuzzy photographs - that's all. We don't have any more documentation on this. Something remains in memory, but not for long, we talked about this - that memory is short.

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: But, again, returning to the same, as you put it, “gifts”. Of course, you will excuse me, but to some extent it turns out, for example, that the fact that neither Russia nor Ukraine undertook to try a person suspected of being a Nazi criminal is also a gift from that era?

N. SOKOLOV: Absolutely. And Germany, which has consistently carried out its denazification, has taken it. In our country, de-Stalinization was not carried out. And today's society is, of course, the result of Stalin's selection. Another thing is how much a society of this type, which Comrade Stalin created for himself with great success, formed this society for himself, how viable it is in modern world? It is my deep conviction, and there are historical arguments for this, that societies of this type are inefficient and unviable. They will always fall behind. Because they absolutely killed the element of free initiative of a person, which is the only engine of development in the long term.

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: The history of Stalin is propaganda when they begin to evaluate historical events. I'm not interested in your opinion, I'm interested in historical facts, writes another of our listeners. Normal, right?

N. SOKOLOV: Fine. It is perfectly normal, but only when you are talking about facts, I appeal to the listener, keep in mind that for a historian it is extremely important to understand the completeness of the factual base. If you take only some of the facts, and somehow deliberately take some of them into the shadows and do not consider them, then this is a falsification. At least all the facts you cited were true. The absence of certain factors in this scheme makes it a falsification.

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: Well, do you understand how? Again, it turns out that when you give a specific example, it may seem to someone that the connection between these two facts or between these two events, or between these two concepts - it actually does not exist, right? That is, let's say, the connection between the Stalinist rewriting of history, which you spoke about, gave examples and, let's say, I have no reason not to trust what you said. And while today we are struggling to get up from our knees - and, no, we are not getting up any more, the price of oil has already fallen. So, it will seem true to someone. And someone will say, “And what does one and the other have to do with it?”

N. SOKOLOV: There is certainly a connection. Because as society thinks of itself, so it acts. Now, if we root out from Russian history - and this was done with the help of a Stalinist textbook - if we root out all the elements and all institutions of people's rule from the national memory ... After all, in our school they only talk about Novgorod, which is presented as such some kind of strange exception . And that is only because he is big, lived for a long time, and there is no way to uproot this from history. Well, and so, there was some strange exception democratic Novgorod. After all, it was everywhere. And the princes uprooted these institutions for several centuries. And the Russian people did not give up these institutions without a struggle. Our modern student does not have the slightest idea about this. When he does not have this idea, then Zhirinovsky can say that for us, naturally, autocracy. Why natural? Completely unnatural.

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: Well, you know, Andrey from St. Petersburg writes: “Our society, of course, is infected at an embryonic stage with a virus of indifference, indifference to our own history. Serious shocks can trigger the mechanism of enlightenment,” Andrey from St. Petersburg. I have the feeling, of course, that God forbid that only serious shocks trigger this mechanism, but I will ask you this question. Moreover, one more point about the fact that there should be some, maybe, will? And there is no other society. I read somewhere that when, let’s say, they created a state after 1945 in Germany, after all, somehow it was necessary to continue to live, nevertheless, there were practically no people who had nothing to do with the Nazi Party , Yes? Well, there just weren't any others. And somehow it was possible from these fragments, from these bricks. How can you build a concentration camp out of physical bricks, or how can you build a maternity hospital, right?

N. SOKOLOV: Absolutely. And there is generally no historical track, a matrix that would oblige us to act without fail in a certain direction. Here is one of the main lies of historical propaganda now - this is the existence of some such civilizations, matrices, which supposedly dictate our course of action. Nothing of the kind has been established by science - there are no civilizations, there are no matrices, a person in history is completely free. Absolutely free, and within the circumstances in which he lives. And he can quite calmly - we are seeing this now everywhere - he can choose one path of movement, he can choose another. And the interest in history and its revision is, of course, connected with historical upheavals, and we went through this quite recently, only 20 years ago. After all, Gorbachev's Perestroika, to a large extent, its energy, its will was fed by the publication of historical data on the crimes of the Stalinist regime.

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: Well, yes. It turns out that you can start all this only from above. That as soon as the command "So, guys, this man was a criminal, and on his conscience a lot of human lives" was given, everyone immediately lined up and said, "Yes, it's true." And as soon as the team was changed, so we obediently ...

N. SOKOLOV: No. The mechanism here is a little more complicated - it's not about the team. It's just that when there is absolutely nothing to eat, like in the Soviet Union of some 1988 model, then the public begins to scratch their heads and think, why is there nothing to eat? And he begins to guess that, after all, the system is inefficient, and not just there are individual excesses in the field. Well, they mentioned oil. As long as the oil is like that - well, yes. But you can somehow plug holes. But 20 years have been wasted, the economy is inefficient.

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: Well, all right. And where does Joseph Vissarionovich? Here again? He's really not here, is he? And you all return to the fact that those grimaces, those, let's say, distortions that we see today a) often welcomed by many of us, b) this is all the result of his unconstructive activities. Do you understand? After all, if it comes to that, then when the wave started, when there was the Gorbachev wave that you mentioned. Well, since it was the ultimate truth, well, live and die with this truth. But society allowed to change the truth?

N. SOKOLOV: The society did not allow to change the truth. But only the second main gift of Comrade Stalin in terms of history is the very model of Soviet historical science, which was also created by Comrade Stalin. In 1937, characteristically, the Institute of History was formed, such a special department that should alone develop a historical concept, and everyone else should repeat after it - such a drive belt from the ideological department of the Central Committee to all historians and universities. And this model, that there is a special department authorized to decide what is right in history, we now perfectly see that it is being reproduced again. Here, as in the entire civilized world, there is no historical corporation that would judge history itself. We have a government department. The head of this department, Mr. Sakharov, can afford to print an article 2 years ago stating that the Varangians of Russian chronicles are Baltic and from the Baltic-Slavic tribes. Historians are upset because this text reveals that the head of the Institute of History has no idea how to work with sources, what historical evidence is - that is, he is not a historian at all. And there is no one to peep. Because everyone is somehow built into this system, the system of institutions in which historical science exists now - they were all created in Stalin's time and continue to function.

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: So it turns out that medicine is powerless in the current realities? It turns out that, indeed, as one of our listeners wrote, we need to wait for serious and bloody mechanisms that are capable of launching some other course of events. Correctly?

N. SOKOLOV: Well, somehow, God admonishes the proud, there is no other mechanism. When they start to get very haughty and say that we will show Kuzka's mother to the whole world, then something like that is sent to this people as a punishment. And enlightenment.

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: Well, you know what? It's already mystical.

N. SOKOLOV: Yes, there is no mysticism, I just crossed over ...

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: That is, flies? Yes-yes-yes-yes-yes-yes-yes.

N. SOKOLOV: Yes. This is what religious people will say, but since I am a completely secular historian, I am ready to demonstrate how this mechanism works without any divine intervention. When they begin to get carried away and show everyone Kuzka's mother, this is where Russophobia begins in the world, which, in the normal state of national consciousness in Russia, generally speaking, does not exist in the world. But as soon as we are going to teach everyone to live correctly - in the Nikolaev time, in the era of whether Alexander III, it doesn’t matter - here the world begins to look askance at us, Russophobia is formed, and then a coalition against Russia.

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: Backstage again, a ring of enemies.

N. SOKOLOV: No behind the scenes, but completely normal ...

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: A frank ring of enemies.

N. SOKOLOV: Right at the ramp, a coalition hostile to Russia is being built, and it is very admonishing.

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: That is, let's put it this way, the anti-Russian behavior of some states, which today's authorities often talk about, is also the result of Stalin's criminal activities. Is that how it works out for you? Well, look, I just missed one link. We were left as a legacy, so to speak, we perceive it this way. And here is the same patriotic fever - it causes some frank completely Russophobia.

N. SOKOLOV: Well, something like this, yes.

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: Well, it turns out that as soon as a ring of enemies forms around us, there are, I don’t know, economic countries that do not behave very well with us in terms of economics, politics or some other things, Iosif Vissarionovich is again to blame for everything. Really, I brought the story to the point of absurdity?

N. SOKOLOV: Why to the point of absurdity? So I immediately recall recent history in the era of Gorbachev's Perestroika, when we ourselves were clearly aware of our historical sins and crimes, there was no Russophobia in the world.

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: Well… First of all, I would like to remind you that our guest today is the historian Nikita Sokolov. Secondly, I want to say that, in my opinion, Yevtushenko had poems that while this and that is happening, Stalin did not die, Stalin did not die? In fact, probably, many of us still have to find in ourselves and evaluate these sprouts in ourselves and squeeze that very slave out of ourselves drop by drop.

N. SOKOLOV: Squeeze out - I also wanted to say.

N. BOLTYANSKAYA: It seems to me that this is exactly what Nikita was talking about today. I thank our guest. Let me remind you that this is a series of programs "In the Name of Stalin" together with the publishing house "Russian Political Encyclopedia" with the support of the foundation named after the first president of Russia Boris Nikolayevich Yeltsin on the air of "Echo of Moscow", the RTVi channel, and the program was hosted by Natella Boltyanskaya. Thank you.

	HISTORICAL FACTS		PUBLIC OFFICERS
	Introduction of free prices for goods and services
	The abolition of economic councils and their replacement by branch ministries
	Introduction of state pensions for collective farmers
	Elections of the first President of the Russian Federation		A, N. Kosygin

Read an excerpt from a speech at the 1st Congress of Deputies of the USSR and write the name of the historical period in which these events took place.

« We inherited from Stalinism national-constitutional structure that bears the stamp of imperial thinking and imperial policy "divide and rule". The victims of this legacy are the small union republics and small national formations that are part of the union republics on the principle of administrative subordination. They have been subjected to national oppression for decades. Now these problems have come to the surface dramatically.

But large nations also fell victim to this heritage, including the Russian people, on whose shoulders the main burden of imperial ambitions and the consequences of adventurism and dogmatism in foreign and domestic policy fell.

Answer: ____________________

Arrange in chronological order the following events of Soviet history 1954 - 1985.

	the introduction of Soviet troops into Afghanistan
	signing of the Soviet-American treaty SALT-1
	entry of Soviet troops into Czechoslovakia
	joint Soviet-American space flight "Soyuz - Apollo"

Enter your answer in the table:

Read an excerpt from the speech of the first democratically elected President of the Russian Federation. Enter the name of the President in the answer line.

“The coup thwarted the signing of the Union Treaty, but could not destroy the desire of the republics to build a new Union. The collapse of the totalitarian empire became necessary, but the new voluntary, equal relations between the republics survived. This is what prevented anarchy and chaos in the country, the highest state bodies of which were demoralized and inactive…”.

Answer: _______________________________

Mark the main events in the history of Soviet culture 1945 - 1991. (Select all the correct answers from the list and write the numbers corresponding to them in the answer line in ascending order).

Answer: ________________________

Part C

The period of the history of the USSR 1954 - 1963 went down in history as the time of the "thaw". Give any two explanations for such an assessment.

List any three changes in the political system Russian Federation implemented in 1992-2007.

Final test 1

Part A

The power of the prince in the Old Russian state

A characteristic feature of the economic development of ancient Russia inXI – XIIcenturies of Russia became

Specify the form of government established in Novgorod inXII - XVcenturies

About the events of what year, the Hungarian monk Julian, passing near the Russian borders, wrote:

“The conquerors are waiting for the earth, rivers and swamps to freeze with the onset of winter, after which it will be easy for the whole multitude of Tatars to defeat the whole of Russia, the country of Russians”?

Sudebnik of 1497

	fixed the division of the country into provinces
	established a single deadline for the transition of peasants - St. George's Day
	determined the procedure for obtaining noble ranks
	canceled the feeding system

During the reign of Ivan the Terrible

	St. George's Day was first introduced
	localism abolished
	oprichnina established
	Horde yoke overthrown

BUT8

A major social movement during the Time of Troubles was


	performance of the Cossacks, led by
	uprising led by
	movement led by U. Karmelyuk

The indefinite search for the fugitives and the final enslavement of the peasants were introduced

The institution associated with the era of Peter the Great

The activities of the Legislative Commission, convened by CatherineII, was intended

	abolish the privileges of the nobility
	restore the right of peasants to withdraw from the landlords
	develop a new set of laws
	introduce the division of the country into provinces

A12

In the wars with Turkey and years became famous

	B. Sheremetiev and F. Apraksin
	I. Munnich and F. Lassi
	A. Suvorov and F. Ushakov
	A. Ermolov and I. Paskevich

A13

What kind of peasants are we talking about in the above fragment of the law: "..... the peasants are in the same relation to the imperial family as the landowners to the landowners"

A14

The reform of the years in the state village (the reform of P. Kiselev) provided for

creation of a special fund of state lands

The life of Joseph Stalin, about which we knew nothing at all
On the day of his real birth, December 18, 1943, Joseph Stalin established Suvorov Schools. Here Sergei Zhelenkov offers you a story of Stalin's life based on facts and documents, which is very hard to believe...
Stalin? Dzhugashvili? Przhevalsky? Or monk Michael?
Author - Sergey Zhelenkov

How Stalin returned the gold embezzled by the Bolsheviks and the International Bankers
In order to appreciate the truly exceptional role of Stalin in saving Russia from the greedy Bolshevik Trotskyists who seized power in Russia in 1917, and his role in saving Russia's stolen wealth exported abroad, you need to familiarize yourself with some data from the archives of the CPSU, which Bunich studied I.L. . in 1993 and based on them he wrote his book "Gold of the Party".

Reading these emotional lines, one can imagine what a terrible fate would have awaited our Motherland if such an incredibly wise patriot as Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin had not intercepted power in time ...

“Back in October 1920, feeling more or less confident, Lenin signed a decree (October 26) “On the sale of antiques abroad”, meaning to legalize, as far as possible, the transfer of Russia’s national treasure abroad, since the previous covert operations were, to a certain extent, risky and costly. The so-called “expert commission” was sent to Europe, headed by Rakitsky, a “arch-reliable” person.

The first auctions were organized in Paris, London and Florence, which caused a sensation and a terrible scandal, as many knew the owners of the items put up for auction. They also knew that their former owners had been shot or were missing. However, no one could produce any documents required for a democratic court, proving the illegality of the sale of antiques. Auctions, thanks to the low prices and the uniqueness of the items put up for them, were a great success, promising fantastic profits. Hundreds of firms rushed to Lenin's "experts", offering cooperation in robbery. By this time, the number of confiscated valuables in Russia was measured in thousands of tons, and often in cubic meters.

What immediately drew the attention of all those involved in the "legal" transactions (and what European newspapers wrote with surprise at first) was the fact that the money received at the auctions, Soviet experts asked to be transferred not to Russia, but to bank accounts in Europe and America. Some experts took the proceeds in cash, stuffing their suitcases with banknotes. The case took on a worldwide scope ... ”(p. 45)

“By this time, the “Through the Looking Glass” of the Leninist nomenklatura had fully taken shape, which immediately showed its boundless licentiousness and greed. Members of the Leninist Central Committee lived, as a rule, in old mansions, showing a painful weakness for expensive furniture, table gold and silver, precious services and carpets, as well as for paintings by old masters in massive gold frames.

Overcoats and kosovorotkas were something like overalls. The mansions even retained the old trained staff of servants, butlers and cooks. In the Yusupov mansion near Moscow, where Trotsky settled, even young adjutants from former cornets survived, famously capping, clicking their heels and able to respectfully bow their heads with an impeccable old-fashioned parting.

Lenin, although he laughed, did not interfere with all this, since he himself did not go very far. Daily signing orders and requirements for the dining room of the Central Committee and for various Kremlin services, he carefully followed the assortment of products, which necessarily included three varieties of pressed caviar, various varieties of meat, sausages, cheeses, delicacy fish, especially pickles, pickled and salted, which he loved ( when there were no fresh ones), mushrooms and three types of coffee.

Lenin was a gourmet, and in the midst of an unprecedented famine that claimed tens of thousands of people a day, he could reprimand Gorbunov that “yesterday the caviar had a strange smell”, “the mushrooms were in an ugly marinade” and that “it would be nice to put the cook in prison for a week”. The estate of Grand Duke Sergei Alexandrovich in the village of Gorki near Moscow passed to Lenin.

The entire population of the village was evicted. The deserted houses were inhabited by internationalist security guards, who are now collectively called for some reason “Latvian Riflemen”, although there were only about 20 Latvians there.” (page 46)
“Such a life, of course, I really liked, and I did not want to part with it. Therefore, knowing about Lenin's original plan of transferring all valuables abroad in the name of "world revolution" and the subsequent flight, the nomenklatura constantly put pressure on the leader that there were no grounds for flight.

We must continue to build "socialism" in Russia according to a well-established methodology: confiscations and executions. Lenin invariably agreed, loudly assuring his accomplices back in March 1921 that there would be no concessions and changes in the doctrines and policy of the party ... "

When the Cheka began to deal with the theft in Gokhran and arrested Lenin's confidant, the leader of the proletariat intervened, in response, the Cheka sent him a letter:
“Didn’t you send us the following note back in April 1921:
"Top secret. T. Unshlikht and Bokiy! This is a disgrace, not a job! You can't work like that. Love what they write. Immediately find, if necessary, together with Narkomfin and comrade. Basha leaked. In view of the secrecy of the paper, I ask you to immediately return it to me along with the attached and your opinion. Previous SNK Lenin.
“Attached” was a clipping from the New York Times newspaper with a translation already made (by Lenin personally, judging by the handwriting):

“The goal of the “working” leaders of Bolshevik Russia, apparently, is the maniacal desire to become the second Haroun al-Rashid, with the only difference being that the legendary caliph kept his treasures in the cellars of his palace in Baghdad, while the Bolsheviks, on the contrary, prefer to keep their wealth in the banks of Europe and America. Only in the past year, as we know, the Bolshevik leaders received:

From Trotsky - 11 million dollars to the US bank alone and 90 million Swiss. francs to a Swiss bank.
From Zinoviev - 80 million Swiss. francs to a Swiss bank.
From Uritsky - 85 million Swiss. francs to a Swiss bank.
From Dzerzhinsky - 80 million Swiss. francs.
From Ganetsky - 60 million Swiss. francs and 10 million US dollars.
From Lenin - 75 million Swiss. francs.

It seems that the “world revolution” would be more correct to call the “world financial revolution”, the whole idea of which is to collect all the money in the world on the personal accounts of two dozen people. From all this, however, we draw the nasty conclusion that the Swiss Bank still looked from the point of view of the Bolsheviks much more reliable than the American banks. Even the late Uritsky continues to keep his money there. Doesn't it follow from this that we need to revise our financial policy in terms of its greater federalization? (page 47)

The investigation got off to a good start. In Moscow, an American correspondent for the Associated Press agency, Margarita Garrison, was arrested on charges of espionage, and a little later, an American journalist, Adolf Karm, who arrived in Moscow as a delegate to the Third Congress of the Comintern from the American Socialist Labor Party. Several more American citizens were captured. All of them were charged with the standard charge of collecting intelligence information of a military and political nature. The New York Times is an American newspaper, which means that the Americans must answer.

Despite the iron logic of such a statement, Lenin nevertheless had the idea that in this case the Cheka was not looking for a "leak", but simply in such a simple way trying to disrupt his upcoming negotiations with the American Senator Frens, an engineer Vanderbilt, whom Lenin, by the way, VChK help, mistakenly considered the billionaire Vanderbilt, and the businessman Hammer. In the brilliant head of the leader, the idea arose to sell the Russian subsoil, and he began to vigorously propagate his idea of \u200b\u200bconcessions.

The New York Times, in its issue of August 23, 1921, writes: “The Bank of Kuhn, Leiba and Co., which subsidized the coup in Russia in 1917 through its German branches, was not left behind by its grateful clients. In the first half of this year alone, the bank received from the Soviets gold in the amount of 102 million 290 thousand dollars. The leaders of the revolution continue to increase deposits in their US bank accounts. Thus, Trotsky's account in just two American banks has lately grown to $80 million. As for Lenin himself, he stubbornly continues to keep his "savings" in a Swiss bank, despite the higher annual interest on our free continent. (pp. 48-49)

“We have no money!” Lenin kept repeating both from the stands and in private conversations with Alexei Maksimovich Gorky and American businessmen. There is no money, and hunger riots are mercilessly suppressed mass shootings. In June 1921, the hungry railway workers of Yekaterinoslav went on strike. A crowd of proletarian workers was shot down with machine-gun fire. 240 people were captured on the spot.

Of them, 53 were immediately shot on the banks of the Dnieper and thrown into the water. The rest were demanded for reprisals by the All-Ukrainian Cheka in Kharkov, where the capital of Ukraine was then located. Parts of the special purpose break into the starving villages, shooting everyone without exception and then draw up documents that a "SR-Menshevik conspiracy" took place in the village. Millions of homeless and hungry children roam the country in droves, having lost their parents during the Bolshevik meat grinder.
And at the elevators of Petrograd, Odessa and Nikolaev, ships of foreign companies are loaded with grain, taking grain abroad in exchange for gold. Lenin is probing the soil on foreign exchanges about the possibility of selling only one Russian forest for a billion gold rubles.

American "concessionaires" find out with the leader the details of the purchase of Russian mineral resources. Even small details are being clarified: how much should Russian workers be paid in mines, mines and mines? Americans offer to pay one and a half dollars a day. Lenin is horrified. In no case! Not a cent! We will pay ourselves! You, gentlemen, do not worry. Americans feel some kind of catch. Where no money is taken, it clearly smells like some kind of fraud. And the country continues to die of hunger. (page 50)

“Gorky, the “petrel of the revolution” with clipped and plucked wings, made his way to Lenin, crying out for help to the starving. “We have no money to help the starving,” Lenin snapped. “We inherited from the bourgeoisie ruin, need, impoverishment!” But he allowed Gorky to assemble a committee to help the starving from undercut intellectuals and ask for help from the West.
Joseph Stalin received such an inheritance ...

And there are no people who could understand all the movements of many thousands of banking tentacles that embraced the whole world with their arms. While the drum of the world proletarian revolution was being beaten in Moscow, a world financial revolution took place quietly and imperceptibly, preparing the world hegemony of that country or group of countries that more intelligently use the political and economic opportunities provided by this revolution.

It is also good that, with incredible efforts and risk, it was possible to relocate and hide part of the Gokhran's valuables, while using sharp contradictions at the top of the GPU. But the GPU is an organization that cannot be trusted. Will the GPU find what is hidden? This is another question.

The death of Lenin untied his hands. What Ilyich took with him to the grave, let him remain on his conscience. But we'll deal with his closest accomplices. It took place in a deadly tangle of Kremlin intrigues, where it was impossible to think of anything even for half a day. It seemed that powerful rivals from the old Bolshevik guards would wipe out the "half-educated seminarian", as Trotsky used to say, into the dust, so much so that no one would remember him.

Theoretically, this is how it should have happened, but in practice it turned out that all of them were no longer fighters. They have not only lost the habit of wrestling, but have even unlearned how to work. And they did not want to stay in Russia, and they were afraid to go to Europe. Not the Europe that they knew before the First World War, not the same at all. It would be hard for them there with the habits acquired over the seven years of Russian lawlessness. Only Trotsky still showed some firmness. Decided to leave. Tired of empty discussions: who should be destroyed in the first place, and who - then.

By the time of Trotsky's expulsion, the chief of the OGPU, Genrikh Yagoda, had already presented Joseph Vissarionovich with the numbers of personal accounts and the amounts on these accounts, of all those who warmed their hands on an unprecedented robbery in history, called the Great October Socialist Revolution. Only Yagoda did not name the number of his own account, naively believing that Comrade Stalin had it as the only source of information.

Yagoda will name him later, but it will be too late. Stalin will squeeze everything out of them, to the last cent. Spitting out the blood of broken lungs, spitting out broken teeth, all of them, before he gets a bullet in the back of the head, will “voluntarily” transfer money from Western banks to Moscow. (page 59)

Zinoviev, Kamenev, Bukharin, Menzhinsky, Ganetsky, Unshlikht, Bokiy - you can't count them all, but Stalin didn't forget anyone. Even Lenin. He personally explained to Nadezhda Konstantinovna what awaits her if she does not take out the money of the leader of the world proletariat from a Swiss bank. Tomorrow, everyone will forget that she was Lenin's wife and is his widow, and they will consider Zemlyachka a widow - the same Zemlyachka who, with Belaya Kun, took out gold from Sevastopol.

Nadezhda Konstantinovna broke down, she passed everything. But the fellow countryman is well done. She did everything voluntarily, and reminded me of Bela Kun. Oh, how he did not want to give money! They beat me for three days, but they knocked out everything to the last penny, and then they shot me. With all the "internationalists" who are in the illusion of complete impunity, they quickly sorted it out without ceremony. They also got those who thought to sit out abroad, spending on themselves the money intended for the world revolution. Only a few Americans managed to escape, but no one heard about them afterwards.

It is difficult to say for sure, but a number of researchers believe that it was the "gold of the party" that brought the United States out of the deepest economic crisis of the 1920s, ensuring the economic boom of the subsequent years of President Roosevelt's New Deal. No one has yet written the financial history of the world, since financial secrets, unlike state and military secrets, are not revealed in the course of history, but become even more impenetrable ... ”(p. 60)

Stalin directed all his energy just to creation. He did not destroy the state, but created it.
“And, therefore, he was interested in the influx of values into the country, and not vice versa. First of all, he created the communist party of the Bolsheviks or the CPSU (b), since the party that Lenin created did not suit Stalin at all. A noisy, shaggy-bearded gang in leather jackets, greedy and always arguing with the leadership, connected by countless threads with no less obscure foreign organizations, constantly dreaming of moving the center of the world revolution from such an uncultured and dirty place as Moscow, somewhere to Berlin or Paris, where they, under one pretext or another, rode two or three times a year - such a party could destroy and rob, but could not build anything serious.

And therefore she had to leave the stage and leave quickly, leaving only a piece of her name for the new party, which Comrade Stalin thought of creating like the Order of the Sword, but with much stricter discipline.
Within the party, Stalin created a truly fair discipline for the highest party officials, which we now lack so much ...

Molotov's wife believed that she had the right to take the wedding crown of Catherine II from Gokhran and give it to the wife of the American ambassador, but she also ended up in prison. Powerful husbands, who are at the very top of the party-state elite, could not help their wives in any way, the whole trouble of which is not so much in their greed, but in a misunderstanding of the situation. Everything that they considered their legitimate trophies, Stalin considered to belong to the state ... ”(p. 63)

We need to remember our history so as not to repeat the mistakes in building a new Russia of the 21st century.
The materials of the book "Gold of the Party" 1993, Bunich I.L. were used.

Part 2.
Stalin's constitution was the most progressive in the world.

Official media and Western-funded historians will never say anything good about the "dictator" Stalin, and therefore many now do not even suspect "what he really wanted," writes Ladislav Kashuka in an article for the Czech Free Press. In his opinion, Stalin saw in the Communist Party only a means to achieve the "dictatorship of the proletariat" - that is, the power of the people. Unlike those "communists" who came after him and saw in the party only "a means of governing the people." As a result, of course, both socialism and communism slid "to a godless dictatorship" of one single party and disappointed the people in the same way as the oligarchs and capitalism, the author emphasizes.

Freedom of speech and the right to free movement should not be allowed to be restricted in the name of social guarantees, because no one wants to live in a “golden cage”. However, Joseph Stalin saw in the Communist Party the driving force and means with which to defeat the bourgeoisie, "sucking the blood of the working class," and to establish such a "dictatorship of the proletariat" in which both power in the country and all means of production would belong to the people - and not a select few of the wealthy.

Stalin - defender of the Russian land

And here one cannot rely on the opinions of Stalin's critics in the West, since few of them even bothered to read his works in the original, the author assures: “The majority read only slanderous articles written by order of those who are afraid of Stalin even after his death. The same people today are afraid of Vladimir Putin, trying to denigrate him too.”
As a result of this deliberately negative attitude, very few people got acquainted with the so-called "Stalinist constitution" of 1936, which was written
“mainly by themselves” and guaranteed broad rights for workers, emphasizes the Czech Free Press. Most have never even heard of the fact that under Stalin not only the real wages of workers increased, but also regularly, every year, prices for food and other vital goods and raw materials decreased, the article says.

“Thus, Stalin wanted to gradually come to the point that everything that would be in abundance would be provided to people to the extent necessary for free.” At the same time, from the Marxist ideology, Stalin took only the economic part and the idea of mutually beneficial international cooperation between individual countries - however, he "completely abandoned the idea of the disintegration of family ties, the abolition of borders between states, the mixing and disappearance of individual cultures," writes Czech Free Press.

Within the framework of the USSR, not a single union state was completely abolished: Stalin outlined in his Constitution the prospect of a federal state in which great powers would be given to the councils of individual union republics of the USSR, elected by the people locally, to the detriment of the central authority of the Central Committee of the CPSU. Then the republics would enjoy great freedom and the opportunity to independently achieve their own prosperity, sending to the union budget only that part of their profits that is necessary for the all-union defense and the formation of financial reserves in case of economic difficulties in one of the union republics, the article notes.

“I have 13 Stalin’s books, and I read that Constitution, so I can say with confidence that I know what he wanted to achieve and what he was heading for,” the author emphasizes. This collection of laws, which was compiled by the "dictator" Stalin, was in fact "the most progressive constitution of its time."

Since, in addition to limiting the central government, it also guaranteed citizens freedom of assembly, support for small and cooperative businesses, the right to sick leave, pensions, rehabilitation, equal rights of all races and both sexes, and "a lot of other things that were then in the world for sure weren't taken for granted."

However, Hitler's rise to power and World War II prevented these plans from being realized. And when, after defeating Nazi Germany The USSR coped with the difficulties and Stalin again began to consider the implementation of his pre-war ideas, “he was killed by Khrushchev and other centrists from the leadership of the CPSU”, who did not want to give up their huge power in favor of the union republics, the author assures.
At that moment, the era of “communism-Stalinism” ended and “the period of the dictatorship of one party and some kind of perverted state capitalism began.

This is how the gradual alienation of the communists from the rest of the working people began, therefore, as a result, the long-outdated and obsolete capitalism returned with all its economic crises and social inequality. The basis for a new leap forward from the swamp of demoralization and stagnation should be a return to the ideas of Stalin. And these ideas do not necessarily have to be called socialism or communism. Rather, it is people's democracy - a name that best suits the real power of the people, and not a handful of elected or one single party again, writes Czech Free Press.

The Stalinist understanding of democracy excludes the possibility of irresponsible tyranny over the voting ignorant crowd on the part of the masters of the system of initiations in Western civilization. But the guarantee of the formation of such a society can only be intellectual activity, for which the majority of the population simply did not have time, being employed in production.

Therefore, we read further: “It would be wrong to think that such a serious cultural growth of the members of society can be achieved without serious changes in the current state of labor. To do this, it is necessary, first of all, to reduce the working day to at least 6, and then to 5 hours. This is to ensure that members of the society have enough free time to receive a comprehensive education.

For this, it is necessary, further, to introduce compulsory polytechnic education, which is necessary for the members of society to have the opportunity to freely choose a profession and not be chained for life to any one profession. To this end, it is necessary, further, to radically improve living conditions and to raise the real wages of workers and employees at least twice, if not more, both through a direct increase in money wages, and especially through a further systematic reduction in the prices of consumer goods. These are the basic conditions for preparing the transition to communism.”

1952, work "Economic problems of socialism in the USSR", chapter "On the mistakes of comrade Yaroshenko L.D.", part 1. "The main mistake of comrade Yaroshenko"

Part 3. Some facts from the biography

Russian counterintelligence knew that the biggest danger was the internal undermining that the Rothschilds were preparing, and therefore introduced their agents into the ranks of revolutionary organizations. One of these agents was Joseph / Mikhail / Vissarionovich / Nikolaevich / Stalin, whose parents were Ossetian Ekaterina Georgievna Geladze / 1858-1937 / and Russian Nikolai Mikhailovich Przhevalsky / 1839-1888 /, Smolensk nobleman, major general of the intelligence department of the General Staff, son of Emperor Alexander II. Friends of Major General N.M. Przhevalsky was transported by his son Joseph / Mikhail / to St. Petersburg, where the future Generalissimo Stalin graduated from the Imperial Academy of the General Staff, like Tsar Nicholas II, at the special faculty.

Mysterious, sudden and similar to a contract killing - the death of Przhevalsky on October 29, 1888, shocked Russian society. He died as he lived - on the road, and lay down in the ground in a simple marching suit, on the high bank of about. Issyk-Kul, near the Kyrgyz city of Karakol. In 1837, Grand Duke Alexander Nikolaevich (future Emperor Alexander II) set out on a long journey across Russia. In Smolensk, he met the local beauty Elena Alekseevna Karetnikova, an affair broke out between them, but his father, Emperor of Russia Nicholas I, did not let them get married, preparing a “dynastic bride” from Europe for his son.

Soon the future king left, and the pregnant Elena remained in her estate. It was 1838, Mikhail Kuzmich Przhevalsky / 1846 / retired from military service, who, without thinking twice, married Elena Alekseevna and settled in her estate in the village of Kimborovo, Smolensk province. In April 1839, a son, Nikolai, was born to Elena Alekseevna, who was given the patronymic of his stepfather ... Having worked in military intelligence, Stalin was introduced into the party ranks of the Jews. Having received the prophecy future fate from the Sukhumi elder Kirion, Stalin took his blessing on his way of the cross! ..
Stalin arrived in Solvychegodsk on February 27, 1909. On March 5, the police officer sent an order to the overseer of Solvychegodsk: in the city of Solvychegodsk by the administrative-exiled peasant of the village of Didi Lilo, Tiflis province and district, Iosif Vissarionov Dzhugashvili.

But Stefania Leandrovna Petrovskaya was of particular interest in the city of Solvychegodsk, who, after serving her sentence, went not to Moscow, from where she was exiled, not to Odessa, where her relatives were, but to Baku, completely unfamiliar to her, - for I.V. Dzhugashvili.
In the dossier of the State Department of Justice of Baku there is the following data: Stefania Leandrova Petrovskaya, daughter of a nobleman of the Kherson province, passport book N 777 issued by the Odessa police chief on August 9, 1906. From 1907 to 1909 she served a link in Solvychegodsk, Vologda province. In pamphlets published in Baku before 1929, Stefania Petrovskaya is mentioned as a member of the Baku organization of the RSDLP.

After 1929 her name disappeared from the pages of the press. Life separated Stephanie and Joseph in different directions, but in the fall of 1910 she had a boy who remained in the annals as a young general - Alexander Mikhailovich Dzhuga - the head of the leader's personal counterintelligence.

Patronymic Mikhailovich, Alexander received not by chance. His father, Joseph Nikolaevich Stalin, was named Mikhail during a secret tonsure on the July night of 1913 in the underground church of Konstantin and Helena. After the death of Father Jerome and John of Kronstadt, Stalin's spiritual father was one of the ascetics who lived here in the Resurrection Monastery, who was a wanderer in his youth, then wrote a book at the end of the 19th century - "Frank stories of a wanderer to his spiritual father", qualified as a masterpiece of Russian Orthodox culture .

Stalin's spiritual mentor did not leave the underground temple lately, and there he had a revelation. Close terrible trials awaited his spiritual son and the entire Russian people. It was necessary to strengthen the prayer shield that saved Joseph and give him impenetrable spiritual armor, for in revelation Stalin was called the God-given leader of the Russian people, who would be entrusted with the fate of Russia and the world in the 20th century.

And the old man made up his mind. He took the opportunity to contact Joseph's curator, Colonel Raevsky. This communication was carried out through Bishop Trifon / Turkestanov /, a relative of the head of the Moscow counterintelligence department, Lieutenant Colonel V. G. Turkestanov. Colonel Raevsky immediately arrived at the meeting.

What he learned required a complex, multi-pass operation to be carried out quickly. But there was no other way. Joseph had to be taken to the reserve immediately. The danger to his life increased every day. Stalin's path to Moscow was chosen through Velikie Luki to Volokolamsk. There, in the Joseph-Volotsky Monastery, the sacred action began. Steel Joseph became the heir of Joseph Volotsky and he was given an impenetrable prayer shield of the Russian land. He took the power of the punishing sword handed over by Sergius of Radonezh to Dmitry Donskoy, kneeling near the grave of the glorious guardsman Ivan the Terrible, Grigory Lukyanovich Skuratov-Belsky, who died in battle.
Stalin saw with his own eyes all the Russian knights who fought against the ancient evil, and their gigantic strength poured into the veins of a kneeling man, the chosen one of God for a terrible unprecedented battle ... Further, the path of Steel Joseph ran to New Jerusalem. The low vaulted entrance of the underground temple, the long - 33 steps - stone staircase down to the depth of finding the Cross of the Lord. All the monks were already assembled. Bishop Tryphon approached Joseph, who was on his knees. "Black hesychasts" prayed for the third night in a row. The rite of secret tonsure began, and now the new name of the monk, Michael, has been announced.

The words of the blessing of the Hesychasts sounded sternly: “You are the heir of the Great Dynasty and you will accept the burden of the Supreme Power in the terrible hour of death, but you will remain Orthodox, and you will always remember God. And when you destroy the Masonic backstage that has surrounded Russia on all sides, you will certainly return all the rights of the Orthodox Church and return the Orthodox Faith to the Russian people. There is nothing you can do for the time being, because there are too few unexpected Russians around you. And while there is no one to rely on to put an end to the Jewish Satanism that has taken up arms against Holy Russia, but the decisive hour is near, at the door, get ready!

The next morning found Stalin on his way to Siberian exile in the Turukhansk region...
In 1918, the Resurrection New Jerusalem Monastery was closed, a museum was formed on the territory, but monastic service continued for another ten years, despite the turmoil that reigned. In 1928, Stalin visited the monastery and met with the last of the living monks, before whom he took a sacred oath. By the firm will of the last Hesychasts, Stalin closed almost all the monasteries in the USSR, for now the time has come for the monks to go and preach among the people...

In Abkhazia there were two Tsar's dachas, near one Stalin built a dacha for himself. And there Stalin met with his cousin, former Tsar Nicholas II. All historians are wondering why Stalin went to Sukhumi, and not to Yalta or Sochi? The answer is simple: Stalin consulted there with his cousin Nicholas II on all important issues...
... Stalin was poisoned at the end of August and until the end of December 1950 he lay ill, which allowed the "fifth column" to remove the entire Leningrad regional committee and city committee in September-December, were killed: head of the personnel department of the CPSU (6) Alexei Alexandrovich Kuznetsov / 1905-19501; Previous Gosplan Nikolai Alekseevich Voznesensky /1903-1950/; 1st sec. Leningrad Regional Committee Pyotr S. Polkov /1903-1950/; prev. Council of Ministers of the RSFSR Mikhail I. Rodionov / 1907-1950 /; 2nd sec. Leningrad City Committee Yakov Fedorovich Kapustin / 1904-1950 /; 2nd sec. Central Committee of the All-Union Leninist Young Communist League Vsevolod Nikolaevich Ivanov /1912-1950/; deputy chairman Saratov Regional Executive Committee Pyotr Nikolaevich Kubatkin / 1907-1950 /, in 1946, the beginning. 1st GU / PGU / MGB USSR / ext. intelligence service/; prev. Leningrad City Executive Committee Pyotr Georgievich Lazutin /1905-1950/.

Tsarevich-Kosygin miraculously survived, during the investigation Mikoyan, Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR, "organized Kosygin's long trip to Siberia and the Far East, allegedly in connection with the need to strengthen the activities of cooperation, improve matters with the procurement of agricultural products." Stalin entrusted this trip to Mikoyan, who so saved his nephew and Tsesarevich Alexei from death, hoping that the head of the UNKVD of Primorye M. Gvishiani would not allow his matchmaker to be arrested! ..

Shortly before his death, Stalin called his eldest son Dzhuga and let him go on vacation. "Owls. Secret. Order to the Head of the Strategic Counterintelligence, Colonel General Dzhuga Alexander Mikhailovich: From October 12, 1952, you and your deputy Lieutenant General Yuri Mikhailovich Markov (Vladimir Mikhailovich Zhukhrai) were granted a three-month vacation, after which you will receive a new assignment. I express my sincere gratitude to you and General Markov for the truly colossal work you have done to protect our Great Motherland.
The proposal to eliminate 213 people included in the list of active conspirators, which is headed by Malenkov, Beria, Khrushchev and Mikoyan, I consider premature. Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR October 12, 1952, Moscow. I. Stalin.

At the end of February, a colonel of state security, unfamiliar to Dzhuga, brought a black briefcase to his apartment from Stalin.
It contained wads of money neatly tied with ribbons.
On top was a note without a signature, written by Stalin's hand:

“I am sending you my salary for all the years of my deputy activity. Spend as you wish.”... Juga went on vacation to Albania, and after the murder of his father, he could not return from there, as he was immediately destroyed...

As you know, during the Great Patriotic War, the Soviet leadership pursued a line to strengthen, first of all, the military-political union of the Slavic peoples, and after it ended, the political-economic union of the Slavic states.

At a reception in the Kremlin in honor of the President of Czechoslovakia, E. Benes, on March 28, 1945, Stalin proposed a toast "To the new Slavophiles who stand for the union of independent Slavic states!" The Generalissimo emphasized: “Both the first and second world wars unfolded and went on the backs of the Slavic peoples. In order to prevent the Germans from rising up and starting a new war, the Union of Slavic Peoples is needed.

After Stalin, not a single political figure in the USSR ever publicly used the term "Slavs", not to mention the "union of Slavic peoples", because the policy of the post-Stalinist leadership was anti-Slavic. The leadership of the USSR was already working to curtail this strategic project, and the Jews Khrushchev, Malenkov, Beria, Mikoyan tried to convince Stalin of its prematureness, since the creation of the SSCG would quickly worsen relations with the United States and NATO.

Moreover, Stalin's frequent illnesses made it possible to slow down the work on the creation of the Slavic Interstate Confederation, and the most active and influential supporters of the SSCG project suddenly died ...

In a will written by Stalin shortly before his assassination by Bulganin, he wrote: “After my death, a lot of rubbish will be put on my grave, but the time will come and it will be demolished ... I have never been a real revolutionary, my whole life is an ongoing struggle against Zionism, whose goal is to establish a new world order under the domination of the Jewish bourgeoisie... To achieve this, they need to destroy the USSR, Russia, destroy the Faith, turn the Russian sovereign people into rootless cosmopolitans. Only the Empire can resist their plans. If it doesn't exist, Russia will perish, the world will perish...

Enough utopias. It is impossible to think of anything better than a monarchy, which means it is not necessary. I have always admired the genius and greatness of the Russian Tsars. We can't get away from unity. But the autocrat must replace the dictator. When the time comes. The time has come to declare a new crusade against internationalism, and only a new Russian Order can lead it, the creation of which must begin immediately. The only place on earth where we can be together is Russia...
Remember: the world does not need a strong Russia, no one will help us, you can only rely on your own strength. I'm lonely. Russia is a colossal country, and there is not a single decent person around... The old generation is completely infected with Zionism, our only hope is in the youth. I did what I could, I hope you do more and better. Be worthy of the memory of our great ancestors!”

After Stalin's death, his uniform and felt boots hemmed with his own hands remained, and no bills or valuables! Stalin took the country with a plow, and left it with nuclear weapons and prepared for development outer space! We need to remember our history so as not to repeat the mistakes in building a new Russia in the 21st century.
*
Sergey Zhelenkov
Source
RaRus

Here is an eyewitness account of that time:

How could I be a killer
Joseph Milkin
Until the mid-thirties, there was a society of old Bolsheviks in the Soviet Union, which Stalin then dispersed, sending all the surviving Bolsheviks to indulge in revolutionary memories in the places where they sat in the days of their revolutionary youth. But until this society was dispersed, they had their own grocery stores and their own special clinic.
My older sister Lyolya, a party member since 1918, was a member of this society and, naturally, was attached to this special polyclinic.
One morning, Lyolya called me and asked me to go to this clinic to make an appointment with the doctor.
“You see,” she said, “I can’t get through there, the reception phone is busy all the time. Do not be lazy, try for your sister.
- What are you talking about, - I answered, - I'm going right now.
The reception room of the old Bolshevik polyclinic was furnished with large worn leather armchairs and sprawling dusty palm trees.
I stood in a small queue for an appointment with a doctor. In front of me stood the "bride of Christ", whose age, probably, she herself did not know. This old Bolshevik woman leaned with one hand on a thick stick, and with the other hand - on a hefty woman, either a relative or an acquaintance.
"I'm going to see a professor like that," said the Bolshevik.
The receptionist looked at a card and said:
- Please, tomorrow at 9 am.
- No, - the old woman said importantly, - I can’t do it so early in the morning, I have breakfast at this time, I keep a diet.
- Well, - the registrar said, - there is an opportunity to get to the professor tomorrow, but not at 9 am, but at 12.20.
- No, - answered the old Bolshevik, - this time does not suit me, at this time we have a trip to Leninsky places.
The receptionist didn't say anything, but I noticed that her earlobes were turning white.
- Does this time suit you? - Having coped with herself, the receptionist asked, naming some afternoon hour.
- No, at this time I can not, - answered the old grimza, - at this time we have a rehearsal. We are preparing an anniversary program.
I had enough. I realized that if I listened to such a conversation for another minute, I would become an aggravated murderer. I left this reception with a quick step and promised myself that my foot would not be there again.
When I got home, I called my sister:
“Lolya,” I said, “if you don’t want to carry parcels to me in prison, then call your stupid Bolshevik polyclinic as you like. I don't go there anymore.

The life of Joseph Stalin, about which we knew nothing at all

Stalin? Dzhugashvili? Przhevalsky? Or monk Michael?

Part 1. How Stalin returned the gold embezzled by the Bolsheviks and the International Bankers

To appreciate the truly exceptional role of Stalin in saving Russia from the greedy Bolshevik Trotskyist ghouls who seized power in Russia in 1917, and his role in saving Russia's stolen wealth exported abroad, you need to familiarize yourself with some data from the archives of the CPSU, which he studied Bunich I.L. in 1993 and based on them wrote his book Party Gold. Reading these emotional lines, one can imagine what a terrible fate would have awaited our Motherland if such an incredibly wise patriot as Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin had not intercepted power in time ...

“Back in October 1920, feeling more or less confident, Lenin signed a decree (October 26) "On the sale of antiques abroad", meaning to legalize, as far as possible, the transfer of Russia's national treasure abroad, since the covert operations carried out before were, to a certain extent, risky and required considerable expenses. A so-called "expert commission" was sent to Europe, headed by Rakitsky- a person "archa-reliable".

And at the elevators of Petrograd, Odessa and Nikolaev, ships of foreign companies are loaded with grain, taking grain abroad in exchange for gold. Lenin is probing the soil on foreign exchanges about the possibility of selling only one Russian timber on billion gold rubles. American "concessionaires" find out with the leader the details of the purchase of Russian mineral resources. Even small details are being clarified: how much should Russian workers be paid in mines, mines and mines? Americans offer to pay one and a half dollars a day. Lenin is horrified. In no case! Not a cent! We will pay ourselves! You, gentlemen, do not worry. Americans feel some kind of catch. Where no money is taken, it clearly smells like some kind of fraud. And the country continues to die of hunger. (page 50)

“Ever since 1922, Stalin has been trying to investigate the ways of leaving Russia for the west of huge sums that once constituted the national treasure of Russia. But the apparatus of the former Cheka is not yet in his hands. The investigation is carried out secretly and extremely carefully, without actually bringing any results. Found ends of gold threads quickly break off in the fantastic labyrinths of international banks. If it is possible to find a channel that once sucked in Russian gold, then the channel that threw this gold onto the world market can no longer be found. And there are no people who could understand all the movements of many thousands of banking tentacles that embraced the whole world with their arms. While the drum of the world proletarian movement was being beaten in Moscow, quietly and imperceptibly global financial revolution which prepares the world hegemony of that country or group of countries that more intelligently use the political and economic opportunities provided by this revolution.

The death of Lenin untied his hands. What Ilyich took with him to the grave, let him remain on his conscience. But we'll deal with his closest accomplices. It took place in a deadly tangle of Kremlin intrigues, where it was impossible to think of anything even for half a day. It seemed that powerful rivals from the old Bolshevik guard would wipe out the "drop-out seminarian", as Trotsky used to say, into the dust, so much so that no one would remember him.

Theoretically, this is how it should have happened, but in practice it turned out that all of them were no longer fighters. They have not only lost the habit of wrestling, but have even unlearned how to work. And they did not want to stay in Russia, and they were afraid to go to Europe. Not the Europe that they knew before the First World War, not the same at all. It would be hard for them there with the habits acquired over the seven years of Russian lawlessness. Only Trotsky even showed some toughness. Decided to leave. Tired of empty discussions: who should be destroyed in the first place, and who - then.

By the time Trotsky was deported, the chief of the OGPU Heinrich Yagoda already presented to Iosif Vissarionovich the numbers of personal accounts and the amounts on these accounts, all those who warmed their hands to unprecedented robbery in history called the Great October Socialist Revolution. Only Yagoda did not name the number of his own account, naively believing that Comrade Stalin had it as the only source of information. Yagoda will name him later, but it will be too late. Stalin will squeeze everything out of them, down to the last cent. Spitting out the blood of broken lungs, spitting out broken teeth, all of them, before he gets a bullet in the back of the head, will “voluntarily” transfer money from Western banks to Moscow. (page 59)

Nadezhda Konstantinovna broke down, she passed everything. But the fellow countryman is well done. She did everything voluntarily, and reminded me of Bela Kun. Oh, how he did not want to give money! They beat me for three days, but knocked out everything to the last penny and then shot. With all the "internationalists" who are in the illusion of complete impunity, they quickly sorted it out without ceremony. They also got those who thought to sit out abroad, spending on themselves the money intended for the world revolution. Only a few Americans managed to escape, but no one heard about them afterwards.

Money flocked to Moscow, but, alas, only from personal accounts. And it was a drop in the ocean. There were few. Much more was needed for Stalin's great plans to build a new empire. The OGPU and its successor, the NKVD, scoured the world in search of countless treasures named by Lenin "Golden Party". The Gestapo also searched for the "Gold of the Party", knocking out the soul from the arrested bankers. The soul was beaten out, but no gold was found. Where does it go? What happened? It is difficult to say for sure, but a number of researchers believe that it was the "gold of the party" that brought the United States out of the deepest economic crisis of the 20s, ensuring the economic boom of the subsequent years of President Roosevelt's New Deal. No one has yet written the financial history of the world, since financial secrets, unlike state and military secrets, are not revealed in the course of history, but become even more impenetrable ... ”(p. 60)

Stalin directed all his energy just to creation. He did not destroy the state, but created it.

“And, therefore, he was interested in the influx of values into the country, and not vice versa. First of all, he created the communist party of the Bolsheviks or the CPSU (b), since the party that Lenin created did not suit Stalin at all. A noisy, shaggy-bearded gang in leather jackets, greedy and always arguing with the leadership, connected by countless threads with no less obscure foreign organizations, constantly dreaming of moving the center of the world revolution from such an uncultured and dirty place as Moscow, somewhere to Berlin or Paris, where they, under one pretext or another, rode two or three times a year - such a party could destroy and rob, but could not build anything serious. And therefore she had to leave the stage and leave quickly, leaving only a piece of her name for the new party, which Comrade Stalin thought of creating like the Order of the Sword, but with much stricter discipline.

Within the party, Stalin created a genuine fair discipline for the highest party officials, which we now lack so much ...

“Kalinin’s wife, due to the inertia of Lenin’s lawlessness, took from the Gokhran a sable fur coat that belonged to the executed empress, and as a result she got the opportunity to think carefully about her act during the long years spent in prison. Molotov's wife believed that she had the right to take the wedding crown of Catherine II from Gokhran and give it to the wife of the American ambassador, but she also ended up in prison. Powerful husbands, who are at the very top of the party-state elite, could not help their wives in any way, the whole trouble of which is not so much in their greed, but in a misunderstanding of the situation. Everything that they considered their legitimate trophies, Stalin considered to belong to the state ... ”(p. 63)

We need to remember our history so as not to repeat the mistakes in building a new Russia of the 21st century.

The materials of the book "Gold of the Party" 1993, Bunich I.L. were used.

Part 2. Stalin's constitution was the most progressive in the world.

1952, work "Economic problems of socialism in the USSR", chapter "On the mistakes of comrade Yaroshenko L.D.", part 1. "The main mistake of comrade Yaroshenko"

Part 3. Some facts from the biography

Stalin arrived in Solvychegodsk on February 27, 1909. On March 5, the police officer sent an order to the overseer of Solvychegodsk: in the city of Solvychegodsk by the administrative-exiled peasant of the village of Didi Lilo, Tiflis province and district, Iosif Vissarionov Dzhugashvili.

In the dossier of the State Department of Justice of Baku there is the following data: Stefania Leandrova Petrovskaya, daughter of a nobleman of the Kherson province, passport book N 777 issued by the Odessa police chief on August 9, 1906. From 1907 to 1909 she served a link in Solvychegodsk, Vologda province. Pamphlets published in Baku before 1929 mention Stefania Petrovskaya as a member of the Baku organization of the RSDLP.

After 1929 her name disappeared from the pages of the press. Life parted Stephanie and Joseph in different directions, but in the fall of 1910 she had a boy who remained in the annals as a young general - Alexander Mikhailovich Dzhuga- Chief of personal counterintelligence of the leader.

Patronymic Mikhailovich, Alexander received not by chance. His father, Joseph Nikolaevich Stalin, was named Mikhail during a secret tonsure on the July night of 1913 in the underground church of Konstantin and Helena. After the death of Father Jerome and John of Kronstadt, Stalin's spiritual father became one of the ascetics who lived here in the Resurrection Monastery, who was a wanderer in his youth, then wrote a book at the end of the 19th century - "Frank stories of a wanderer to his spiritual father", qualified as a masterpiece of Russian Orthodox culture .

And the old man made up his mind. He took the opportunity to contact Joseph's handler, Colonel Raevsky. This communication was carried out through Bishop Trifon / Turkestanov /, a relative of the head of the Moscow counterintelligence department, Lieutenant Colonel V. G. Turkestanov. Colonel Raevsky immediately arrived at the meeting.

Stalin saw with his own eyes all the Russian knights who fought against the ancient evil, and their gigantic strength poured into the veins of a kneeling man, the chosen one of God for a terrible unprecedented battle ... Further, the path of Steel Joseph ran to New Jerusalem. The low vaulted entrance of the underground temple, the long - 33 steps - stone staircase down to the depth of finding the Cross of the Lord. All the monks were already assembled. Bishop Tryphon approached Joseph, who was on his knees. "Black hesychasts" prayed for the third night in a row. The rite of secret tonsure has begun, and now the new name of the monk has been announced - Michael.

The next morning found Stalin on his way to Siberian exile in the Turukhansk region...

In 1918, the Resurrection New Jerusalem Monastery was closed, a museum was formed on the territory, but monastic service continued for another ten years, despite the turmoil that reigned. In 1928, Stalin visited the monastery and met with the last of the living monks, before whom he took a sacred oath. By the firm will of the last Hesychasts, Stalin closed almost all the monasteries in the USSR, for now the time has come for the monks to go and preach among the people...

Stalin. Some pages personal life(1 and 2 episodes) http://

STALIN (Dzhugashvili) Iosif Vissarionovich (pseudo-Koba and others) (1878-1953), politician, Hero Socialist Labor(1939), Hero of the Soviet Union (1945), Marshal of the Soviet Union (1943), Generalissimo of the Soviet Union (1945). From a shoemaker's family. An ardent supporter of V. I. Lenin, on whose initiative in 1912 he was co-opted into the Central Committee and the Russian Bureau of the Central Committee of the RSDLP. In 1922-53 general secretary Party Central Committee. Since 1941, Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars (CM) of the USSR, during the war years, Chairman of the State Defense Committee, People's Commissar of Defense, Supreme Commander. In 1946-47 Minister of the Armed Forces of the USSR.

Reactions to the article

Liked our site? Join or subscribe (you will receive notifications about new topics by mail) to our channel in Mirtesen!

Impressions: 1 Coverage: 0 Reads: 0

Everything burned down, in the soul there is only scale,
Blue profile on the left chest.
This is all that remains of Stalin.
What awaits us ahead without him?

We were told that Beria was a spy:
"Shoot the scoundrel, he deserved it!"
And the era of unbelief has come.
Well... for those who certainly lived.

How so? We firmly believed in the leader
For him, we went to death and into battle.
We were told that everyone was hypocritical -
The forest was cut down, we were wood chips.

He is a tyrant, he is a murderer. Are we clean?
How so? We were living then.
And the general secretaries sang,
And then, in unison, gentlemen.

They say we all need to repent
You are all criminals as one.
After all, no one is shy anymore
Doubt that they took Berlin.

We are weary, as from a heavy burden.
We should straighten our shoulders.
Don't be ashamed of the past
And do not double your consciousness.

Our life, our memory, history -
Everything is inextricably linked. Everything!
Here the trajectory of fate is closed,
And where will it take us now?

Appeared in the soul only thawed patches,
The blue profile does not wash off on the chest.
We inherited from Stalin,
What lies ahead for us there?

Reviews

And who said that adults
Other pages can not be read?
Or will persuade our valor
And honor will fade in the world?

Ile, having told aloud about the past,
We will only please the enemy
What to pay for their victory
Did it happen to us at exorbitant prices?
....

What is now considered large, what is small -
How to know, but people are not grass:
Don't turn them all in bulk
In some Nepomniachtchi relatedness.

Let eyewitnesses repentance
Will go down quietly to the bottom
Prosperous oblivion
Our nature is not given.

Others simply affirmed
What if we have a rainy day
All these were not to the court,
Casting a shadow on us.

But all that was, is not forgotten,
Not sewn-covered in the world.
One untruth is at a loss to us,
And only the truth to the court!
...
So-and-so guess those and these,
Foreseeing that il terrible judgment -
Like children who have played
What from the absence of the elders are waiting.

But everything that has become or will become,
Do not surrender, do not sell us from our hands,
And Lenin will not judge us:
He was not God and alive.

And what are you doing now
Return the former grace,
So you call Stalin -
He was God...
He can get up.

It turns out that the poet who wrote these lines in 1969 was right. And it turns out that children almost always repeat the mistakes of their parents. I wanted to bring two more lines under the ending from the same work.

"Who hides the past jealously,
He is unlikely to be in harmony with the future."
Sincerely
Alexei.

There is no need to hide anything, there is no need to forget anything, there is no need to be ashamed of anything. It's all ours. And then you can't step into the same river twice. Thanks for the feedback. Sincerely, Boris.

I completely agree, I would still like to explain this to those who call on Stalin, like the Magi in ancient Egypt. Indeed, they say that the most terrible time is when at a crossroads.

The daily audience of the Potihi.ru portal is about 200 thousand visitors, who in total view more than two million pages according to the traffic counter, which is located to the right of this text. Each column contains two numbers: the number of views and the number of visitors.