Events in Paris 1968. The last uprising of intellectuals. Nowadays

France is a country of revolutions, and Paris is a city of revolutions. Over the past two and a half centuries, Parisians have taken to the barricades in 1789, 1830, 1848, 1871, 1944 and 1968. This is not counting all sorts of local clashes and riots, periodic general strikes and millions of demonstrations. The French constantly have to fight for their rights with their state, which carries the ineradicable, alas, genetic code of Ludovik's absolutism.
The brightest outbreak of this struggle occurred in May 1968. The fact is that during the 60s the most spiritually free generation of young people in the history of Western society grew up in this country, and for 10 years General de Gaulle, who was fed up with many, was in power, re-elected for a second 7-year term. The country has changed a lot in 10 years, but de Gaulle, with his mentality of an officer of the First World War, remained the same. In the end, this led to a socio-political explosion.

Here they are, free people in a police country (one of the May 1968 demonstrations):

It all started in the universities of Paris, where at that time left-radical moods ("gauchism") reigned. Students and professors were fascinated by the ideas of anarchism, Trotskyism, Maoism and Marxism-Leninism.
The most authoritative leader was 23-year-old Daniel Cohn-Bendit. The slogans of the student movement were "It is forbidden to prohibit!", "Be realistic, demand the impossible!", "Limit yourself to the maximum!"

Chinese and Vietnamese flags at the Sorbonne:

All the walls are plastered with revolutionary "dazibao":

By the way, imagine that in "democratic" France in 1968 there was a state monopoly on television and radio, only print media could be independent!

Student performances quickly turned into skirmishes with the police, whose reinforced detachments the government hastily sent to seize the universities.
The main thing in the outfit of the Parisian revolutionaries is gas masks and goggles:

Face to face with the police:

To the demands of the rebels is added the release of those arrested and the withdrawal of the police from the quarters.

On May 2, the clashes escalated into the construction of barricades, mainly in the Latin Quarter:

Sous les paves, la plage! Under the cobblestones of the pavement - the beach!

Car arson has become a common method of street fighting:

Parisian apocalypse:

After a few days of riots, the trade unions came out and went on strike, which then became indefinite.
On May 13, the unions come out in a grand demonstration that took place all over Paris. Ten years have passed since the day when, in the wake of the Algerian revolt, de Gaulle announced his readiness to take power. Now slogans are flying over the columns of demonstrators: “De Gaulle - to the archive!”, “Farewell, de Gaulle!”, “05/13/58-05/13/68 - it's time to leave, Charles!”

I must say that the regime also had millions of supporters and demonstrations in support of de Gaulle and Prime Minister Pompidou gathered hundreds of thousands:

Newspaper headline "De Gaulle: I stay. I save Pompidou."
Pay attention to the composition of the demonstrators - a completely different age, different faces.

The indefinite strike that has begun in the country, in which more than 10 million people are already participating, is leading the economy to complete paralysis.
On May 24, the president speaks on television. He says that "the country is on the verge of civil war” and that the president should be given, through a referendum, broad powers for “renewal”, the latter not being specified.
At the end of May, de Gaulle again announced his refusal to resign, dissolved the National Assembly and called early elections. But the fate of the general was already a foregone conclusion - in April 1969, the French refused to support him at the plebiscite he had started, after which the president immediately announced the early termination of his powers.

"Red May - 1968" in Paris: a month of national madness The events of May 1968 in Paris, which received particular relevance in connection with the “Russian spring” of 2012, are described by historian Nikolai Makarov. In the postwar decades Soviet Union shared spheres of influence with the West, which turned into a protracted, costly and useless Cold War. The third world began to actively free itself: the colonies gradually got out of control of the former owners, and the revolutionary junta of Fidel and Che completely won power in Cuba. In the mid-60s, an endless "cultural revolution" began in China. And 1968 was the culmination of the protest-destructive frenzy. The center of events shifted to the Old World, although in America there was something to pay attention to. Anti-war and anti-Pentagon protests at Columbia University in New York, followed by the occupation of the building by leftist students. "Prague Spring". West Berlin: students firebomb the headquarters of newspaper tycoon Axel Springer. Student protests in London and Rome (in the center of the "Eternal City" it came to clashes between students and the police). Madrid, Stockholm, Brussels and other major European cities also turned out to be centers of unrest and discontent. Everywhere, it seems, people were protesting against the Vietnam War, although upon closer examination, American aggression looks like only the “tip of the iceberg”: there were many reasons for mass discontent. It began to seem to many that a global youth revolution was brewing. Waves of protest have swept the world more than once. But, probably, nowhere at that time did they rise as high as in the spring of 1968 in Paris. By 1968, France was a country with a high standard of living. Over the decades of peace, the country not only recovered, but also became prosperous, a little “swallowed fat”. The middle class prospered: economic growth, high salaries, "houses, cars, dachas." Of course, President Charles de Gaulle had been in power for almost ten years, radio and television had been nationalized; but this is a trifle. Freedom? What are you, the main thing is stability. Spiritual growth? Why - there is a cinema and Moulin Rouge. A "consumer society" with its rather limited bourgeois ideology has formed in the country. Probably, the French really worked tirelessly. There was a terrible lack of time for young people. So she got carried away, began to freak out. And most importantly - it suddenly turned out to be so much! .. And all scientists! You can’t spit so as not to hit a student! France, like no other country in Europe, is a unique indicator of a change in the political mood of a nation. Classical country of revolutions. How many times in the 19th century the monarchy was replaced by a republic! In the 20th, "strong statesmen" like de Gaulle were replaced by socialists - supporters of Mitterrand, who, in turn, later "rocked the political swing" together with the liberal Chirac. The main trend of the "big politics" of the 1960s was a gradual but steady decline in the rating of public confidence in the hero of the Resistance, General de Gaulle, and the strengthening of socialist sentiments in society. Nationalism of de Gaulle, growing influence of monopolies, state monopoly on TV and radio broadcasting; foreign policy, oriented (albeit in new forms) to the possession of colonies and participation in the "arms race" (although not on the side of the United States and NATO), did not meet the interests and expectations of the main part of French society. For an increasing part of the population (especially young people), de Gaulle begins to seem too authoritarian and an "overstayed" politician. Back in 1965 - still unexpectedly for many - Francois Mitterrand entered the second round of the presidential election. In the parliamentary elections of 1967, he put together a coalition of leftist forces that won almost an equal number of votes with the Gaullists. The “leftist” moods in the country were of various shades: from communist (though already devoid of orientation towards the “world revolution”) to anarchist, from followers of Trotsky killed with an ice pick to supporters of Mao. From outside, fuel was added to the fire by the Vietnam War and the conditions of the Cold War, which became the impetus for the emergence of the anti-nuclear movement. In a word, the air began to smell like a thunderstorm. The attempt to define the political outlook of the young French rebels of 1968 runs into some difficulties. The ideas that inspired them were of various kinds: Marxist, Trotskyist, Maoist, anarchist, etc., often reinterpreted in a romantic protest spirit - in a word, everything that was called "gauchisme" (French gauchisme - "leftism", "leftism"). Mao, Che, Régis Debre, Herbert Marcuse, Franz Fanon - how many political and spiritual leaders around the world did the French youth have? All of them, in their own way, called for “renunciation of the old world” with its bourgeois and imperialism, the proclamation of some collectivist and some extremely individualistic values, and for rebellion, rebellion, rebellion ... And also - the philosophy of Jean-Paul Sartre and Albert Camus with their emphasis on freedom, the "existential" in a person, orienting him to self-expression, plus - again, rebellion and other forms of "anti-state" behavior. Then, in the 1960s, French youth watched a lot of movies. The films of the film director Jean-Luc Godard were very popular: "On the last breath", "Living one's life", "Alfaville", "Mad Pierrot". Godard was also a "gauchist". And his works were largely aimed at criticizing modern society and creating " new reality ", with existentialist overtones. Godard, according to Alexander Tarasov (author of the large and very interesting work "In Memoriam Anno 1968"), played the role of "forerunner and inspirer of 1968". An outrageous situationist movement led by Guy Debord, whose ideological basis was a bizarre mix of Dadaism, surrealism and Marxism, played a significant role in the ideological fueling of events. The situationists called for the rejection of both submission to the state and its laws, and the accepted norms of social life, public morality. A large role was given to the emotional beginning. It was not so much to be aware of as to feel. It was difficult to draw a line here - where there is a struggle for political change, and where - just spontaneous creativity, the birth of "cosmos out of chaos", a sudden materialization of common sensations that were not expressed, but shared by the masses. At the head of this part of the movement, the Situationist International, according to the documentary filmmaker, participant in the Red May, Helene Chatelellen, was “a small, sharp-tongued, very smart group. The entire movement consisted of 5 people who published the newspaper International Situationist. But it was they who prepared the cultural ground, the “smart culture”, for this explosion to take place” (source). As a result, the “conscious” protest that had accumulated among the French youth clearly coexisted with ardent enthusiasm, a desire to express themselves and show off. Revolution and barricades, clashes with the police and the buzz of public folly, the struggle for real improvements in the economy, politics, everyday life ... And, of course, the atmosphere of festivities, creativity, “free love” - everything was intertwined in this stormy May extravaganza. Crisis phenomena in politics and economics gave only the first sprouts, and the youth was already dissatisfied. Difficulties with places in hostels, unimportant material support of educational institutions. The government follows the path of least resistance: no money! The number of places in higher educational institutions is reduced, tests of students become tougher - especially at admission. The students, who already had a long bill to the "old world", were not long in coming. The instigators of the riots almost everywhere were students of humanitarian faculties. They began at the University of Paris X-Nanterre, in early May. It is quite difficult to form any kind of “reasonable” idea of the requirements of students at the first stages of performances. As Alexander Televitch writes, “students demanded either the abolition of exams, or an end to the war in Vietnam, or an increase in portions of spaghetti in cafeterias, or the abolition of the dictatorship in Greece, or permission to smoke everywhere, or the elimination of racial discrimination.” According to the memoirs of Hélène Chatelellen, the political language of the protesters “turned out to be beyond the scope of what people who spontaneously took to the streets wanted to say. They didn't know what they wanted. It was a moment of a global crisis of meaning: ‘Why live?’, ‘What is the meaning of work?’, ‘What is the meaning of society?’” (source). In fact, it was - perhaps not formalized, but implicitly felt - a protest against the stagnant bourgeois-philistine Western society with its traditional age-old values; the protest that blew it up and started - albeit at first imperceptible - the West's decline. Performances in Nanterre instantly spread to the Sorbonne. On May 3, at the initiative of its rector, Rosh, the university was closed. On May 4, a student strike begins in Paris; the capital is engulfed in rallies. In the next three days, all the university centers of France (Toulouse, Lyon, Nantes, Strasbourg, etc.) have already been engulfed in unrest. Secondary schools joined the university strikes. Well-known representatives of the French intelligentsia (Jean-Paul Sartre, Simone de Beauvoir, Francoise Sagan, Francois Mauriac and others) come out in support of the students. The authorities arrest some of the protesters; On May 5, a ban on demonstrations was announced. The youth, of course, did not even think to obey. "It is forbidden to prohibit!" - the leaders of the student movement proclaim in response. The Parisians had to build barricades to prove their case more than once. Between 1827 and 1860 barricades were erected eight times in Paris; the same thing happened in 1870-1871, 1944... In 1968, revolutionary impatience again raised the Parisians to "street construction". Any material at hand was used: even pots of flowers and trays of vegetables. They built barricades and stronger ones: using a symbol of bourgeois security - cars. “These were not barricades against someone,” says Helene Chatelellen, “they were barricades of memory. I had a strange feeling that I see how people, people, write the pages of their own history. The barricades were not confrontation and struggle, it was absolutely on a symbolic level ... It was connected with a poetic way of thinking ... The first barricades were not against the police, although they may have come in handy for protection - it was a purely metaphysical gesture ... They were barricades of the absurd; what they were defending, no one knew… What happened was a huge theater” (source). On May 6, a 60,000-strong demonstration was brutally dispersed in the famous Latin Quarter of Paris. On the same day, the first barricade battles begin. About 400 people were arrested. About 600 ended up in hospitals. The Latin Quarter was then a terrible sight: "... Burnt cars, uprooted trees, broken shop windows, torn cobbled pavements" (source). Agitation among the workers begins, leaflets and newspapers of the protesters are distributed in thousands of copies. The walls of houses are covered with bright graffiti. By May 10, students are rioting all over France. The number of barricades erected to this day by the students of Paris in the area of Place Edmond Rostand was about 60. The students raised black and red flags to the barricades. The police went on the assault, which spilled over into a five-hour massacre, as a result of which more than 350 people were injured, almost two hundred cars were burned. It was "the first night of the barricades". Paris did not sleep that night. The participants of the "theatre" were not only demonstrators and the police, but also ordinary Parisians. Police brutality aroused in the townspeople quite understandable human sympathy for the injured students. They found shelter in "philistine" houses, where they were fed and helped. In addition, the street clashes were an unprecedented show, to which Parisian spectators reacted violently from the pavements, windows and balconies. Of course, support was expressed to the demonstrators, and the actions of the police were accompanied by whistling and hooting. Pots of flowers were thrown from the windows onto the policemen's heads. A public opinion poll then showed that 80 percent of the "Parisians" supported the students. But the forces were still unequal. After five hours of "theatre of the absurd," the students fled on the orders of their leader, Daniel Cohn-Bendit. By the way, who is he - Monsieur Cohn-Bendit or simply "Red Tribute"? Daniel Cohn-Bendit Born in 1945 to German Jews who fled to France in 1933, Daniel Marc Cohn-Bendit grew up in that country but moved to Germany with his parents in 1958. Having received in 1963 the citizenship of both the FRG and France, Daniel renounced French so as not to join the army. However, France was not forgotten by him. In 1966, he entered the University of Paris, where he became a member of the Fédération anarchiste, but in 1967 he moved from it to the small anarchist group of Nanterre. Probably there were more opportunities for implementation leadership qualities. At the invitation of Daniel, the leader of the Socialist Union came to Paris with a "revolutionary" lecture German students K.D. Wolf. In Nanterre, Cohn-Bendit became the leader of the sexual freedom movement. He was also distinguished by extravagant "pas": for example, during the speech of the Minister of Education on the occasion of the opening of the university swimming pool in Nanterre Cohn-Bendit ... he asked the minister to smoke, and in addition - permission to freely visit the women's hostel. Hooligan, and more! Such antics were interspersed with agitation in favor of a "permanent revolution". It is no wonder that this guy has gained great popularity among students. The university authorities were afraid of him: once they decided to expel him, they provoked unrest. The withdrawal order had to be cancelled. Cohn's popularity during the riots reached such a point that protesting students, desiring to fully identify with their leader, often chanted "Nous sommes tous les juifs allemands" ("We are all German Jews")! “Red Dani” (as his students called him for his bright red hair, which was in perfect harmony with the “redness” of the mood) called on the rioters to “create a gap” into which the broad masses of the population would join. But the maximum task - the overthrow of power - was still impossible. In June Cohn-Bendit was deported to Germany. In the homeland of his parents, he became one of the founders of the autonomist group "Revolutionary Struggle", where fate brought him close to Joschka Fischer, the future German Foreign Minister, and then also the leader of the "Revolutionary Struggle", which, as the German authorities assumed, was involved in violent actions . Later Cohn-Bendit turned politically "green" and began an active struggle against atomic energy. In 1984, he joined the German Green Party, in 1989 he became vice-mayor of Frankfurt, in 1994 he was elected to the European Parliament, and in 1999 he became close to the Greens of France, from whom he was again elected to the European Parliament ( in 2009). Today Cohn-Bendit is a quite successful European politician, and he is actively participating in the political life of two countries - Germany and France. Of course, making a career in today's politics, you won't get far on revolutionary slogans. But in 1968 things were different. Despite pompous statements by Prime Minister Georges Pompidou that the government would "protect the republic", on May 14 the police left the Sorbonne. The auditoriums were filled with students protesting day and night. The "revolutionary creativity of the masses" reaches its climax. Students compete in slogans. “Be realistic, demand the impossible!” “Your happiness has been bought. Steal him!" “Under the cobblestones of the pavement is the beach! "In a society that has abolished all adventures, the only adventure is to abolish society!" "The revolution is incredible because it's real." "Culture is life in reverse." "Poetry in the streets!" "Sex: It's good," Mao said (but not too often). “Comrades! You can make love in the School of Political Science, and not just on the lawn. "All power to the imagination!" Long live surrealism! De Gaulle, crisis, international tension... All this is true. But it is no less important that the soul wants a carnival, and the body wants to drink, smoke, well, you yourself understand ... At the Sorbonne, “there appeared an audience named after Che Guevara, posters“ It is forbidden to prohibit! ”And announcements“ Smoke whatever you want - even marijuana. The statues of Pasteur and Hugo were covered with red flags. A jazz band played day and night in the courtyard of the Sorbonne. There were no jobs. There was a discussion in the audience: what to do next. The leader of the rebels, Daniel Cohn-Bendit, called for a revolution. What this meant, no one understood” (source). Approximately the same situation reigned in the Odeon theater, where the students were joined by the "adult" intelligentsia of Paris. Relying on revolutionary enthusiasm, students solved all current issues (supply, medical care, information affairs) themselves - with the help of self-organized committees. The committees had canteens, bedrooms, even nurseries. In busy classrooms, cleanliness and relative order were maintained. The Sorbonne was run by an Occupation Committee of 15 people. At the request of the anarchists, who feared a "bureaucratic degeneration", the composition of the committee changed completely every day. It's also surreal! In the second half of May, the so-called Revolutionary Action Committees are formed. One of the manifestations of people's self-government was even voluntary trips of students and workers "for potatoes" - to help the peasants with the planting of a valuable root crop. Student demonstrations in 1968 took place in many European countries, but nowhere except France did they lead to a general strike. It was announced on May 13, against the background of a new Parisian demonstration in support of students and for the resignation of de Gaulle (according to various estimates, from 400 thousand to more than a million people took part in it). By mid-May, transport, telephone, radio and television did not work in Paris. Paris and France were plunged into anarchy. Trade unions traded with entrepreneurs on behalf of the striking workers; the anti-Gaullist movement expanded. By May 24, more than 10 million people were on strike in the country. Among the demands of the strikers, the most popular were the resignation of de Gaulle, as well as the formula "40-60-1000" (40-hour work week, pension from 60, minimum wage of 1000 francs). The protesters also had quite real achievements: “Having expelled intermediaries (commission agents) from the sales sphere, the revolutionary authorities lowered retail prices: a liter of milk now cost 50 centimes instead of 80, and a kilogram of potatoes - 12 instead of 70. To support families in need, the trade unions distributed among them food coupons. Teachers organized kindergartens and nurseries for the children of the strikers. Power engineers undertook to ensure the uninterrupted supply of dairy farms with electricity, organized the regular delivery of feed and fuel to peasant farms. Peasants, in turn, came to the cities to participate in demonstrations. Hospitals became self-governing, with committees of doctors, patients, trainees, nurses, and orderlies elected and functioning. In a word, almost all spheres of life were for some time under the control of the "Krasnomai". De Gaulle returned from Romania on 18 May. He acted, it would seem, like a soldier, directly and honestly: he proposed to the people a referendum on the issue of supporting the president. On the same day, another grandiose demonstration took place in Paris. On May 23, Paris experienced the "second night of the barricades": students were blown up by the news of the impending expulsion of D. Cohn-Bendit from France. In new bloody clashes, about 1,500 people were injured, about 800 were arrested, one student and one policeman died. On the 29th, de Gaulle suddenly disappeared. As it turned out, he went to the base of French troops in Baden-Baden in Germany (was looking for grounds for a military coup?). The leaders of the "Red May" immediately issued a call for the seizure of power, since it is "lying around in the street." But de Gaulle also quickly got his bearings. On May 30, having returned, he spoke on the radio, announcing his intention to remain at the head of the country. Parliament was soon dissolved. But... The movement soon went downhill, and by the end of May, in fact, ran out of steam. "According to the laws of the genre" in its original form, it could not exist for a long time. As in the history books: there was no clear program, no single center, no elaborate methods of struggle. When the movement shifted its focus to "big politics", the fading of the student carnival became inevitable. June 10-11 - "for dessert" - the last barricade battles took place in the Latin Quarter. The strike movement also came to naught. A few days later, a special presidential decree was issued to ban radical left groups. On June 12, Cohn-Bendit was nevertheless deported to Germany. On June 14–16, the police cleared the Odeon and the Sorbonne of students and eliminated the last pockets of resistance in the Latin Quarter. Early parliamentary elections held across the country on June 23-30 showed that France was still scared. The Gaullists won 358 out of 485 seats in the National Assembly. Although the political fate of de Gaulle was a foregone conclusion: on April 27, 1969, he left his post, yielding to his former prime minister, Georges Pompidou. More than forty years have passed since then. The lives of active participants in the Red May have developed in different ways. But quite a few of the “Soixantehuitards” (“guys of the 68th”), including MEP Daniel Cohn-Bendit, fit perfectly into the “bourgeois” establishment of Europe today. These are well-known journalists (M. Kravets - head of the foreign service of the well-known newspaper "Liberation", J.-L. Penino - one of the leading publicists of the same newspaper, M.-A. Bournier - editor-in-chief of the magazine "Actuelle", J.-P Ribe - editor and chief of supplements to the magazine "Express", J.-M. Bougereau - director and editor of the magazine "Evenement du jade", E. Caballe - manager of "Sigma-Television"); professors and scientists (P. Bachelet and A. Geismar - professors of the Sorbonne, R. Lignard - a well-known sociologist, Andre Glucksmann and Guy Landro - famous philosophers and writers); officials (F. Bare - Inspector General of the Ministry of Education); documentary filmmakers, architects, entrepreneurs... Although there are those like Alain Krivin - the leader of the Trotskyist "Communist Revolutionary League" - who still profess "gauchist" views and are prominent political figures in this spectrum. Whole dissertations can be written about the events of Red May. Yes, much has already been written, sung, filmed. From interesting and informative novels can be noted: "1968: A Historical Novel in Episodes" by Patrick Rambaud and Robert Merle's novel "Behind the Glass". Rambaud, largely outside of the ideological and political overtones, dryly and impartially talks about the capture by students of the Sorbonne and the Odeon, the movement of workers, and the activities of the government. Merle's novel is an almost documentary reproduction of the events of early 1968 at the University of Nanterre. An interesting book by the American historical publicist Mark Kurlansky “1968. The year that shook the world. It contains a lot of analytics, attempts to understand the historical roots of the phenomena of 1968 on a global scale, as well as the consequences that they gave to the world. Robert Gildy, professor of history at the University of Oxford, has created a digital archive of the reports Around 1968: Activists, Networks and Trajectories. The participants of the events themselves (more than 500 people from 14 European countries) became the authors of the reports. But this archive is purely scientific form and, for all its richness, it may be of interest, rather, only to historians and their students. Interesting collections of scientific and journalistic materials can be found on the Internet. Thus, the selection "1968 in France" is contained on the website of the scientific and educational journal "Skepsis", many useful references to literature are given by enthusiasts of the "Paris 1968 (Red May)" group. The events of the "Red May" against the backdrop of building their own reality and personal (primarily sexual) relationships of young French people are devoted to the film by Bernardo Bertolucci "Dreamers" (2003). What did Red May give the world and what lessons did it teach future generations? If you try to answer this question “narrowly”, taking into account the immediate consequences for France, then first of all this is the end of “Gaulism” with its “rampant statehood” and partial satisfaction of the demands of the protesters (mainly this concerned some improvement in the living conditions of workers ). "Left" sentiment throughout the 1970s was very popular in the West. The cultural implications were broader in scope. If the famous Russian publicist and historian, ideologist of the Russian nobility of the 18th century, Mikhail Shcherbatov, were alive at that time, he would certainly have written the book “On the Corruption of Morals in France”. What is called the term "sexual revolution" - in many ways comes from the "Red May". Freedom, sometimes reaching the point of absurdity, in the relationship between the sexes (“Invent new sexual perversions,” one of the slogans in Nanterre called), a very real revolution in the style of clothing, fashion trends, and most importantly, a new view of society on the relationship between a man and a woman - all this largely the consequences of those very events of 1968. And not only in France, but throughout the Western world. A narrower cut of the same plan is the impact of events on Western youth culture. Including rock culture, the hippie movement. Eduard Limonov in his article “May 1968 in Paris and its political consequences” (published, by the way, in the pedagogical newspaper “First of September”!) wrote: “... The empire of youth lasted from 1968 to the end of the 70s. It was only during this period of time that young people were perceived by themselves and others as a class, with special requests and needs.” Red May had other global consequences as well. The end of the colonial system was essentially a foregone conclusion before, but the events of 1968 in France and other countries played the role of one of the “final nails” here. What is the acuteness of national relations in the modern Western world, associated with the flows of migrants pouring into the former metropolises, I think, it is not necessary to explain. Western civilization continues to burst at the seams. You can try to build different scenarios for its further development, but, most likely, "good old Europe" in its traditional form will no longer be reborn. And "Red May" played a huge role in this regard. It is very interesting that in the "French Spring" there were at least some rational moments:

“Having expelled intermediaries (commission agents) from the sales sphere, the revolutionary authorities reduced retail prices: a liter of milk now cost 50 centimes instead of 80, and a kilogram of potatoes - 12 instead of 70. To support needy families, the trade unions distributed food coupons among them. Teachers organized kindergartens and nurseries for the children of the strikers. Power engineers undertook to ensure the uninterrupted supply of dairy farms with electricity, organized the regular delivery of feed and fuel to peasant farms.

and in our "Moscow festivities" there is nothing but stupid and useless frondery. Only, as I already wrote in LiveJournal to one of my friends: the dog of the Duke of Beaufort named Pistache, with the help of which the Duke trolled his guards, was poisoned as a result, a lot of people were beaten, a lot of things were destroyed and burned, but the Fronde never won. Pointed at the material -

Already in September 1968, the chronicler and bibliographer of "Red May", later a prominent historian, Michel de Certo, wrote about the vast literature devoted to the spring riot, and about the unprecedented autumn "publishing harvest". And in the following decades, mountains of books appeared at all - both novels and non-fiction, many documentaries and feature films were shot, numerous paintings, songs and operas were written, gigantic memorial exhibitions were held ... The unrelenting attention to the May events for decades and together at the same time, the diversity, ambiguity of approaches to them: it seems that they are in the focus of interests, but the gaze is, as it were, defocused. How to understand what it was?

Chronicle of rebellion

Everything essential fit into the six weeks of May - June 1968, although unrest among Parisian students (they began with a rally in memory of the deceased Che Guevara and speeches against the Vietnam War) had been going on since November 1967. In the spring of 1968, at the University of Paris West Nanterre-la-Defense, one and a half hundred students, protesting against the arrest of several of their comrades during an anti-war demonstration, occupied the administrative premises. A movement of young people is immediately established, which boycotts examinations and achieves self-government in universities, stands for freedom from a repressive society, its outdated rules, from bourgeois morality and sexual restrictions (The March 22 Movement, named after the date of its creation, will later be described by the then teacher of the Nanterre philological faculty Robert Merle on the pages of the novel "Behind the Glass"). The rebels, inspired by the leftist anarchist ideas of Guy Debord and the surrealist dream of a total revolt against any “fathers” and all the “order” they created, are led by 22-year-old social science student Daniel Cohn-Bendit. He is passionate about the task of creating a society free from all dictates - both economic (market) and political (party system) - and learns from the future theorist of "horizontal" network communications Manuel Castells. Prominent philosophers Henri Lefebvre and Paul Ricoeur, sociologist Alain Touraine come out with the support of a bright student leader. The authorities are closing the university.

Then, under the slogans of the movement, 400 students of the Sorbonne came out to the rally on May 3, 1968, filling the university courtyard. The protesters were dispersed by the police who burst inside, the activists were arrested. The police action is perceived as a blatant violation of university autonomy, and since May 4, the Sorbonne, which (for the first time after the Nazi invasion of Paris) is also closed by the authorities, is supported, in turn, by Nanterre students. On May 6, 20,000 students are already demonstrating in the capital. Since May 7, most of the country's educational institutions have been on strike, teachers and media workers have joined the strikers. On May 10-11, barricades are built in the Latin Quarter, there are clashes with the police, there are several victims (the night of May 10-11 is called “the night of the barricades”). Students are actively supported by socialist forces, left-wing communist organizations, and later by the PCF. On May 13, trade unions declare an indefinite strike all over France. The demonstrators demand de Gaulle's resignation, changes in labor legislation, and pension reforms. Self-government committees are emerging at enterprises and cities, elements of economic policy in the spirit of socialism are being introduced - prices are being reduced, mutual aid structures are emerging. The bureaucracy and entrepreneurs are engaged in exhausting but fruitless negotiations with the strikers, and soon the authorities are moving to tougher actions. In June, de Gaulle's decree disbanded 11 youth organizations recognized as extremist. Cohn-Bendit was deported to his homeland in Germany. By mid-June, most of the strike centers have been crushed by the police.

However, a significant part of the population was frightened by the magnitude of what had happened. On the wave of a rollback from the previous moods of rebellion, the Gaullists triumphantly win the parliamentary elections at the end of June, over 70% of those who came to the polls vote for them. And yet, de Gaulle's political fate is sealed: after a failed attempt to reorganize the upper house of parliament for a broader representation of the interests of various social groups and movements from entrepreneurs to trade unions, he voluntarily resigns in April 1969, and a year and a half later he dies from aortic rupture.

Context and core

The reasons for what happened, of course, are numerous and difficult to correlate. Let us take into account that everything is taking place in the context of the Cold War between West and East, on the one hand, which is much wider than the university court, and within the framework of anti-government movements that are expanding throughout Europe, becoming mass anti-government movements, as a rule, of the left wing - anti-war, environmental , anti-colonial (May 1968 is also an echo of the Algerian war that ended in 1962), on the other. The sixties for France were a period of severe economic problems at the entrance to the circle of modern developed "consumer societies", as well as demographic problems associated with them. A large generation of the post-war baby boom is entering life, and its quantitative surplus further exacerbates the difficulties of entering a higher school, professional career, social advancement, housing for new families, etc. Finally, the authoritarianism of de Gaulle’s sole power, In particular, the state's complete monopoly on the "new" means of communication, radio and television, is strongly rejected by the more educated and qualified French.

It is important that the instigators of the “Red May” are students, who are joined by teachers and workers of the mass media (both print publications, which enjoyed relative freedom, and state-owned radio and television), and the university becomes the place of the clash with the authorities. Strange as it may sound to the ears of today's passively adapting Russians, including the youngest ones, the leader of all protest movements in Europe after the Second World War was and remains student youth. This is, I emphasize, a key point in the structure of modern ("modern") societies. Here the past, present and future converge, the interests of the main institutions responsible for the socialization of new generations (family, middle and graduate School, mass media), and thus - for the reproduction of the structure of society, the position of its main groups, the set of patterns of thought, feeling, behavior adopted in it, that is, the forms of culture.

The formation of young people in the conditions of dissatisfaction with the dominant culture of the majority, the official agenda and habitual, and therefore imperceptible, general stereotypes, hidden from rationalization and understanding, takes the form of a counterculture. It is clear that this protest culture unites the demands of all things oppressed by the usual course of things, all the “others” excluded from the dominant student youth. This is, I emphasize, a key point in the structure of modern ("modern") societies. Here the past, present and future converge, the interests of the main institutions responsible for the socialization of new generations (family, secondary and higher education, mass media) intersect, and thereby for the reproduction of the structure of society, the position of its main groups, the set of thought patterns accepted in it, feelings, behavior, that is, forms of culture. The formation of young people in the conditions of dissatisfaction with the dominant culture of the majority, the official agenda and habitual, and therefore imperceptible, general stereotypes, hidden from rationalization and understanding, takes the form of a counterculture. It is clear that this protest culture unites the demands of all things oppressed by the usual course of things, all “others” excluded from the dominant majority - from women (hence the explosion of feminism), representatives of non-traditional orientations (the struggle for sexual freedoms) to oppressed peoples (student support for anti-colonialism, negritude, the Cuban revolution, etc.). It is important that on these points the youth will find points of contact with representatives of the older generations of intellectuals (among the May demonstrators are Sartre, Althusser, Foucault, they are supported by Francois Mauriac and others). Finally, it is significant that solidarity with students in their discontent modern France expressed by all segments of the working population. In other words, there was a merger of several social movements, different in composition, origins, horizons of expectations and demands (historical precedents for such solidarity, generally characteristic of French society, were, with all the differences between them, the Paris Commune, the Dreyfus Affair, the anti-fascist Popular Front ).

Consequences and significance

Only the direct consequences of the May 1968 events in France (not to mention their echo in other countries of Europe, including the East, in the USA and even in Asia) turned out to be very significant. The student revolt led to the fall of the authoritarian government in the country. Serious changes were adopted in labor legislation - the minimum wage, unemployment benefits, and the duration of vacation were increased. A series of major reforms of the higher education system has been carried out - the autonomy of universities has been strengthened, the principles of their self-government have been strengthened, education has been noticeably reoriented towards contemporary problems society and the needs of young people, the requirements of the labor market, the necessary professionalization and the real preparation of students for their future careers.

Moreover, since the late 1960s, we can talk about the new position and role of young people as an independent social and cultural force, including the high importance of the youth spirit and lifestyle, youth fashion in society. The role of minorities in the West has also become new, their problems and demands are at the center of state policy, social movements, attract the attention of the media, and are actively discussed in the public sphere. The tolerance of the social order in today's developed countries of the West is largely the brainchild of the Paris May, and if one can speak of modern Western civilization as a non-repressive civilization, then this is undoubtedly a great merit of the rebels of the Latin Quarter. As part of this “turn”, the majority of Western intellectuals said goodbye to communist utopianism, including long-standing sympathies for the USSR (this was strongly influenced by August 1968, the end of the Prague Spring, but it itself was in resonance with the spring in Paris).

The significance of the May 1968 events, which were not, strictly speaking, a revolution, but rather a riot or rebellion, goes far beyond the significant socio-cultural changes briefly listed above. Participants and witnesses of the events of that time spoke about them more than once as a holiday, equated them with a vacation (the poet Andre du Boucher called them “new vacations”). In this sense, they can be understood as a kind of "anti-structure", using the term of the anthropologist Victor Turner, who studied such phenomena of a gap in the work of stable structures of society and forms of habitual communication in it. The appeal to the concept of the impossible in the then Parisian graffiti is not accidental: the rebellious youth clearly claimed more than de Gaulle's resignation or amendments to the labor code - they tried to shift the boundaries between the possible and the impossible.

Hence the clear feeling that the emotional outburst, meaningful experience, the whole experience of those days is clearly wider and richer than their applied social significance. Michel de Certeau said that May 1968 "meant more than it accomplished." Is this not one of the reasons for the long echo of that short May? Certo called the events of that time the "revolution of the word." “In May,” he wrote, “they took the word the way they took the Bastille in 1789.” The historian cites a remark of one of the strike workers, addressed to a friend who refuses to speak to the microphone, because she is supposedly uncultured: "Today, culture is just about talking." The word in May was taken by those who never had the right to speak, did not master the art of communication, were isolated, cut off from communication with others. In this sense, the rebellion of 1968 is a symbolic revolt, a reversal of the very symbolic structures of culture.

At the same time, May 1968 can be spoken of as the last uprising of European intellectuals, their final collective action of such a historical swing and such a social scale. Moreover, the entire century and a half of modernity, in which intellectuals and young people, starting with the European romantics, played a special, initiative role, probably ended here. In later conditions, an intellectual is either a paid expert of the authorities and corporations, or a virtual star of mass media and mass culture. The meaning of revolutions is by no means always revealed to the participants and contemporaries, often it is not the instigators who win in them. It seems to be the case this time as well. The transition to postmodernity brought new actors - middle class, whose representatives, as far as one can judge, voted for de Gaulle's party in the June 1968 elections (maybe the mysterious speed of the transition from a seemingly general rebellion to a general loyalty to the authorities is another reason for the undying interest in the May 1968 events) .

The middle class is the new majority of those who earn well and pay high taxes, vote most actively and consume most actively. Including those who consume tourism services, and since the 1970s, we can talk about a real tourism boom in Western countries, and this boom, of course, is inseparable from the digital camera and video camera, new technical means of reproduction. The era of globalization has begun, bringing with it, respectively, other information Technology, primarily the Internet and mobile microdevices operational communications.

Of course, all these global phenomena are not the direct consequences of the student revolt in May 1968. However, "Red May" was undoubtedly one of the brightest and most significant events in the complex interweaving of those explicit and implicit shifts that led from the 1960s to the present day. The world has become different. Speaking at the University of Montreal 40 years after the events of 1968, Daniel Cohn-Bendit admitted that that spring did not fulfill its revolutionary promises, but influenced the expectations and behavior of many people, as it opened up for them unprecedented individual freedom.

Vocaloid Miku Hatsune sings (a program developed by the Japanese company Yamaha that imitates the singing voice of a person). The song is called "Beautiful is the month of May in Paris." It was she who was sung by the participants in the events in May 1968.

Revolution in France in May 1968.
This is historical event began with student unrest, which is why it is sometimes called a student riot. In fact, it was the most, that neither is, a real revolution. This is exactly how the participants themselves characterized this phenomenon. And this is precisely the assessment of many historians. But in the historical classification of the events of the 20th century, such a term (to refer to what happened in France) is not used. Moreover, many research historians, political scientists, culturologists and social psychologists are afraid to investigate and analyze this event. They bypass it, as if there is some kind of "taboo" from the very "top". So what's the deal?

Brief chronology of what happened in May 1968 in France:

The first "sparks".
20th of March. Arrest of 6 members of the National Committee for the Defense of Vietnam.
March 22. In Nanterre, several student groups seized the administrative building, demanding the release of their comrades.
March 29. Students seized one of the halls at the Sorbonne University in Paris and held a rally in it.
April 30. The administration of the educational institution accused the eight leaders of the student riots of "incitement to violence" and stopped classes at the university.
May 1. Representatives of the working youth joined the students. One hundred thousand people took to the streets of Paris. Social demands were made.
May 2. The National Student Union of France, together with the National Trade Union of Higher Education Workers, called on students to strike. Clashes with the police began, rallies and demonstrations were held in protest in almost all university cities in France.
May 3rd Suddenly the drivers of the Parisian buses went on strike. The printing workers threatened to strike. The rector of the Sorbonne announced the cancellation of classes and called the police, who attacked the students with clubs and tear gas grenades. The students took up the cobblestones. Clashes spread to almost the entire Latin Quarter of Paris. 2,000 police officers and 2,000 students took part in them, several hundred people were injured, 596 students were arrested.
May 4th. The Sorbonne was closed. Before that, only the fascist occupiers did this.
5 May. 13 students were convicted by a Parisian court. The teachers supported the students and called for a general strike at the universities.
the 6th of May. 20,000 people came out to protest. At the head of the column they carried a poster "We are a small group of extremists" (this is how the authorities called the participants in the student unrest the day before). On the way back, the convoy was attacked by 6,000 policemen. In the ranks of the demonstrators were not only students, but also teachers, lyceum students, schoolchildren. 600 people (on both sides) were injured, 421 were arrested. As a sign of solidarity, strikes and demonstrations of students, workers and employees of various industries and professions broke out throughout the country.
May 7th All higher educational institutions and lyceums of Paris went on strike. The demonstration was attended by 50 thousand students, the column was again attacked by police forces.

All this time, the President of France was silent, pretending that nothing special was happening.

The "flame" flares up.
The evening of May 7 was the beginning of a turning point in public opinion. The students were supported by trade unions of teachers, teachers and researchers, as well as the French League for Human Rights. The trade union of television workers issued a statement of protest in connection with the lack of objectivity in the media. Metallurgists blocked one of the national highways.
May 8 Finally, the President "noted" what was happening, spoke on the radio and said: "I will not give in to violence." In response to this, a group of prominent French journalists created a "Committee against repression". The largest representatives of the French intelligentsia (Jean-Paul Sartre, Simone de Beauvoir, Nathalie Sarrot, Francoise Sagan, Andre Gortz, Francois Mauriac and many others) came out in support of the students. French Nobel Prize winners also made a similar statement. The students were supported by the largest trade union centers in France, and then by the parties of communists, socialists and left radicals. On this day, large demonstrations again took place in a number of cities, and in Paris almost all the inhabitants took to the streets, the police were forced to leave.
May 10. A 20,000-strong youth demonstration was blocked, with different parties, the forces of law enforcement order. The demonstrators erected 60 barricades, some of them up to 2 meters high. The famous boulevard Saint-Michel has completely lost its paving stones, which the youth used as a weapon against the police. Until the morning, the surrounded demonstrators managed to resist the police. 367 people were injured, 460 were arrested. The dispersal of the demonstration led to a general political crisis.
Night from 10 to 11 May (later it will be called "Night of the Barricades").
The special forces arrived. The police used tear gas grenades and went on the offensive. The rebels set fire to vehicles, from which barricades were built.
May 11th. All opposition parties demanded the urgent convocation of the National Assembly.
The revolution has begun!
may 13. The strike not only does not stop, but develops into an indefinite one. 10 million people are on strike across the country. Everyone has already forgotten about the students who started it all. Workers demand forty hours working week and raising the minimum wage to 1,000 francs. A grandiose demonstration of 800,000 (!) took place in Paris, in the front row of which walked hand in hand the communist Georges Seguy and the anarchist Cohn-Bendit. Thousands of solidarity demonstrations took place in large provincial cities (for example, in Marseille and Bordeaux, 50 thousand people each, Toulouse - 40 thousand, Lyon - 60 thousand).
May 14. The workers of Sud-Aviation took over the enterprise. Instantly, occupations by workers began to spread throughout France. The strike wave engulfed the metallurgical and engineering industries, and then spread to other industries. Over the gates of many plants and factories there were inscriptions "Occupied by personnel."
May 15. The rebels took over the Odeon theater in Paris and turned it into an open debating club, raising two flags over it: red and black. Renault car factories, shipyards, hospitals were seized. Red flags hung everywhere. The strictest discipline was observed.
16th of May. The ports of Marseille and Le Havre were closed, the route of the Trans-European Express was interrupted. Newspapers began to appear under the control of printing workers. Many public services functioned only with the permission of the strikers.
May 17th. Telegraph, telephone, post office, public transport went on strike. The country's economy is paralyzed.
Small digression: But the citizens did not want riots. The desire of the people to establish order themselves was so strong that the city authorities and the police had to retreat. Workers of factories and factories took control of the supply of local food stores and the organization of outlets in schools. Workers and students organized trips to farms to help the peasants plant potatoes. The revolutionary authorities banned the activities of intermediary firms. And immediately dropped retail prices! Prices for agricultural products decreased from 2 to 5 times. Additionally, there was a free distribution of goods and products to needy families. Kindergartens and nurseries were organized for the children of the strikers. An uninterrupted supply of electricity to farms and households was ensured, and regular delivery of fuel was established. Hospitals passed to self-management, committees of doctors and patients were elected and acted in them. The traffic was controlled. At checkpoints, high school students were on duty. A dual power has developed in the country - on the one hand, a demoralized state machine, on the other hand, amateur bodies of worker, peasant and student self-government.
May 21-22. The issue of no confidence in the government is being discussed in the National Assembly. For a vote of no confidence, 1 (one single!) vote was not enough.

All this time, the President of France was silent, as if forgetting about what was happening.

22nd of May. "Night of Anger" Clashes at the barricades. Burning building of the Paris Stock Exchange.
May 24th. After a long silence, the President made a speech on the radio in which he proposed to hold a referendum on "forms of participation" ordinary people in enterprise management.
May 25th. Tripartite negotiations have begun between the government, trade unions and National Council French entrepreneurs. The agreements they worked out provided for a significant increase in wages, but not everyone was satisfied with these concessions and continued to call for the continuation of the strike. The socialists, led by Francois Mitterrand (who would later become President, by the way), gathered a rally and demanded the creation of a Provisional Government. In response, the authorities in many cities used force. The night of May 25 is known as Bloody Friday.
May 29. There was information that the President had left France. The revolutionary leaders called for the seizure of power as it "was lying in the street." Take power, it was proposed to the Communist Party of France. The communists refused.

A small digression: And now, in order to understand what happened next, we need to think about who exactly was the President of France at that time. So, who is it? It was General Charles de Gaulle. A living legend, the national hero, whose name the French have, is on a par with Joan of Arc and Napoleon (all three, now, quite officially, are considered the greatest heroes nations that came to the aid of the country in difficult times).

The counter-revolution strikes back.
May 30. The President suddenly appears and takes decisive action. All this time, he waited, maneuvered and gathered strength. De Gaulle delivers a fiery speech. He declares that he renounces his promises given to him on May 24, from the promised referendum and dissolves the National Assembly (!), while promising early parliamentary elections. He urges his supporters to show strength of character and take to the streets.
And supporters responded the same day! They ("Gaullists") hold a 500,000-strong demonstration of support, chanting: "De Gaulle, you are not alone!"
There is a sharp turning point in the course of events.
1 - 6 June. The government, trade unions and entrepreneurs sit down at the negotiating table and reach some agreement. Trade unions go over to the side of the government and call on the workers to stop their strikes.
12 June. Power has gone on the offensive. Leftist organizations were banned. The enterprises seized by the workers are "cleaned up" by the police forces.
June 14 - June 17. The police seize the Odeon, Sorbonne, Renault and other objects.
And now, finally, from 23 to 30 June parliamentary elections are held. The result is stunning. The Gaullists receive 73.8% of the seats in the National Assembly. For the first time in the history of French parliamentary elections, one party received an absolute and overwhelming number of votes in the lower house. The majority of the French expressed confidence in General de Gaulle!
Outcome:
But the result turned out to be more deplorable for the counter-revolutionaries than for their opponents. The consequences of the revolution were not long in coming. Following the increase in wages (a concession made by the government to the unions), prices rose. Inflation led to a rapid decline in the country's gold reserves (much of which moved to the US). In November 1968, a financial crisis broke out in France. All measures to stabilize the economy, which the President took, were extremely unpopular with the entire population of the country. The President of France saw the only way to improve the situation in changing the territorial-administrative structure of the country, expanding the role of the regions (giving them more rights to resolve issues on their own), with the subsequent reform of the Senate.
In search of popular support, de Gaulle resorted to a referendum. He stated that if the bill is rejected, he will resign. The opposition immediately launched a campaign against the bill. In a referendum, the question was submitted: "Do you approve of the bill presented to the French people by the President of the Republic?" The referendum failed miserably. Supporters of de Gaulle, from among the ordinary inhabitants, turned their backs on the "Gaullists". The general resigns. The party in power is broken and crushed.
Having lost the "battle", the French revolutionaries eventually won the "war". The President is gone. The system is broken. The May events of 1968 radically changed the face of France and all of Europe. There has been a turn towards a socially oriented policy. The word "revolution", by the way, means a turn (from lat. revolutio - turn). Issues of the rights and freedoms of citizens are becoming the core of the policy of most developed European countries. Many slogans of that time became "catchwords". Some sound relevant even now: “No matter how you vote, no or yes, they will still make a goat out of you!”, “Structures for people, not people for structures!”. Others became the slogans of various movements: “The revolution is not made in ties!”, “The people must come to replace the oligarchs!”, “We will not demand or ask for anything: We will take and seize!”.
And here are my conclusions (they explain why information about this revolution is distorted and partially hushed up):
1. The revolution, which took place under the slogans of leftist movements, was national. Paradox, but true. Without the national unity of the French, such a massive uprising would not have been possible. AND " powers of the world this," drew appropriate conclusions from this.
2. The trade unions turned out to be the main driving force of the revolution, demonstrating that they have real levers of control over a wide variety of situations in the country. It was after 1968 that the secret services of many countries began to actively develop methods of secret manipulation of trade unions. It was after the events of this revolution that the European countries began to actively “sit down” on cheap guest workers, like drug addicts on a needle, thereby weakening national trade unions. In the same France, from the beginning of the 70s, foreign workers began to be invited, specially allocating jobs to them. Now, a significant part of them do not work at all and nothing can be done with them. All these people are already French. But they obey only the leaders of their national communities. They wanted to spit on the French trade unions. The list of professional fields for foreign workers in France has been reduced only now, but it is already too late.
3. The soul of the revolution was the national intelligentsia (teachers, journalists, scientists). National self-consciousness is impossible without national intelligentsia. Perhaps this is due to the conscious and widespread decline, in many countries, of the potential level of young students and the quality of education in general (replacement of exams by such types of testing as the Unified State Examination, SAT, ACT, Abitur, etc.). It is also possible that this is related to the fact that the leaders of many states have taken a course towards the creation of a comprador intelligentsia (the introduction of tolerance lessons in educational institutions, the creation of a separate subject of teaching from this sociological term, etc.).
4. This revolution is an example of a revolution in an industrialized capitalist country. The rulers and the “powerful ones” understand that only a very strong-willed and very popular leader could cope with a mass uprising of this kind. Charles Andre Joseph Marie de Gaulle is the greatest statesman and National Hero of France (he could have coped with the referendum, but he was already 79 (!) years old). They understand that they themselves, if they were in a similar situation, would not be worth a little toe from his left foot. They understand and fear that this may happen again.
5. France in 1968 was ripe for a social explosion, the state of society, figuratively speaking, resembled a powder keg. The only thing missing was a spark. In France, that spark was the dissatisfaction of a tiny group of students with the Vietnam War. But it could be any other. In today's Russia, if we allow at least some analogy, such a "spark" may be the falsification of the election of the President of the Russian Federation.
6. Now there is no trace of the former unity of the French. The people of France are divided. Having won the "war", the revolutionaries lost the country. If I had been French and lived at that time, I would have been a "Gaullist". Definitely. But I live in modern Russia, and if such events happened here, now, most likely, I would be in the ranks of the rebels. Paradox? Yes, it's paradoxical. But it's a fact!

To financially support yourself and your family, it is important to find Good work with high wages. Unfortunately, it's not that easy. Employers put forward a lot of requirements for candidates, carefully study resumes and select specialists with the appropriate education. Not everyone was able to get a crust due to various life circumstances. But there is a great way out - to buy a diploma. It will be quite inexpensive.

When do you need to buy a diploma?

Every modern person at least once visited the idea of the importance of obtaining a specialty. This can be done by enrolling in a university for a full-time or distance learning. Unfortunately, this is a long and expensive option that not everyone can afford. It is much faster and easier to buy a diploma in Moscow. Fears can hinder the adoption of such a decision:

fear that someone will find out that the diploma has been bought;
to be left without money and the ordered document.

To acquire a specialist diploma without any risks, including financial ones, it is necessary to choose a reliable company. Only a fake can have a very low price. In this important matter, you should not save and make purchases in dubious places, because your well-being is at stake.

Buy a diploma in Moscow on favorable terms

Buying a diploma in Moscow in our company, you can:

save a round amount that is needed for training;
spend several years of your life usefully, and not for study;
save your nerves, as the educational process requires a lot of strength and energy.

This educational document on graduation from the university will certainly provide the following benefits:

a chance to find a good position with a high salary;
the opportunity to acquire several diplomas with different professions, which will speed up the job search;
respect of colleagues, due to the presence of a master's degree from a prestigious university;
career;
the possibility of changing the field of activity when the received profession has ceased to be relevant.

You can buy a university diploma on favorable terms in our company. We offer the most favorable terms of cooperation and the following advantages:

prices are lower than other companies;
production on the original Goznak letterhead;
convenient delivery to any region of Russia;
work without prepayment;
execution of the order in the minimum time;
permanent deletion of information about the client after the transaction.

The company's specialists will produce any document on an official letterhead to order. You can choose not only the desired educational institution and specialty, but also the desired grades in the application. A red diploma of a bachelor, specialist or master is also not a problem. It is in our company that you can get a cheap diploma in Moscow with a quality guarantee.

Latest reviews

Everything is fine, thanks for the diploma!

I want to thank the representatives of your company for the opportunity to buy a diploma of a second higher education. I started to study at the university, but the birth of my second child forced me to leave him. Now I have such a coveted diploma, when the baby grows up, I can get a job in my favorite specialty. Thank you very much!

Stanislav

The simplicity of buying a certificate just captivated me. I thought that I would have to fill out documents for a long and tedious time, but it turned out that everything about everything takes literally five minutes. This is a well-designed and thoughtful site, it is very easy to use. Now I'm looking forward to my testimony.

How to quickly order a diploma in Moscow

Sale of state-recognised documentation is our specialty. Ordering a diploma with delivery is not difficult. To do this, you need to follow a few simple steps:

Fill out the form carefully home page site.
Answer manager's questions over the phone.
Check the layout of the documentation (will be sent to the specified email address).
Make corrections or send confirmation of the correctness of filling in the data.
Check the order upon receipt, pay for services.

Buying an institute diploma has never been so easy, and most importantly - safe. Our company has vast experience in the field of documentation production top quality. In the "Reviews" section, you can read the comments of people who used our services and were able to arrange their lives. Delivery of documentation is carried out by courier in Moscow on the day of printing the document. In other regions, the order is sent by a convenient postal service with cash on delivery. Within a few days you will receive the desired document on a genuine form that cannot be distinguished from the original. The diploma will have all the important levels of protection, seal and signature. It can also be tested under ultraviolet light. No one will ever doubt the originality of your document.

What our employees do

Not everyone has a desire to serve in the armed forces, and if you have already reached the age of 40, then there is simply no time for this. In this case, our company comes to the rescue. We are engaged in the sale of state documents. You can buy a diploma and get the coveted workplace with a high paying job. Previously, it was difficult to imagine such a simple solution to the problem. And today you will receive documents from the military registration and enlistment office, registry office, university or any other institution in a short time. We will help you with this.

The new document will give you the opportunity to:

avoid paperwork and wasting time in queues;
in case of loss of a diploma, a guaranteed quick restoration of it;
replacing grades with higher ones;
getting a decent job;
confirmation of relevant qualifications;
change your specialization; get a student visa to another country without any problems;
receive a deferment or exemption from conscription.

Enough in Moscow educational institution with the passage of the military department. You have a unique opportunity to get both a military specialty and a civilian one, and all this without leaving your place of work. For our clients, we offer documents on the completion of secondary education, all kinds of certificates for work or at the place of study. If you entered a university, but there is absolutely no time to study, we will issue a certificate of attendance at the sessions or immediately buy your university diploma from us and go about your business. We also issue marriage, birth or death certificates. Turning to us, you will be satisfied with the result!