Alexey Dmitrievich Oboleshev
Oboleshev, Alexey Dmitrievich, nickname "Leshka" (1854-1881), farmer. Studio Moscow. university In 1876 he organized a revolution in Samara. youth circle. At the end of May 1876 he lived in the village of Crosses, Toropetsk. u., in a populist colony. He donated his funds to revolutionary causes. He was one of the founders of the society Earth and will"He was in charge of the passport bureau ("heavenly office"), maintained relations with the provinces and with the printing house. Arrested on the night of October 12-13, 1878 under the name of Vladimir Saburov. He refused any evidence, did not write anything, hiding his handwriting , did not reveal the names. III branch mistook him for the murderer of Mezentsev. From 18 Oct. 1878 to May 4, 1880 was kept in the Peter and Paul Fortress. On May 14, 1880, by the Military District Court, he was sentenced to death, replaced by 20 years of hard labor. Since May 14, 1880, he was kept in the Peter and Paul Fortress, where he died of consumption.
Used material from the site "Narodnaya Volya" - http://www.narovol.narod.ru/
Oboleshev Alexey Dmitrievich (1854 - 26.VII.1881) - Russian revolutionary populist. From nobles. Studied at Moscow University. In the revolutionary movement since 1876; organized a revolutionary circle in Samara, contributed to the escape from prison P. A. Kropotkina. One of the founders of "Land and Freedom" in the 70s. Participated in the development of the program and charter of the society, was in charge of the passport office and relations with the printing house. Arrested in 1878. He refused to identify himself and did not testify. In 1880, under the surname Saburov, he was sentenced to death, which was then replaced by 20 years of hard labor. He died of tuberculosis in the Trubetskoy bastion of the Peter and Paul Fortress.
V. S. ANTONOV Moscow.
Soviet historical encyclopedia. In 16 volumes. - M.: Soviet Encyclopedia. 1973-1982. Volume 10. NAKHIMSON - PERGAM. 1967.
Read further:
People's Will, a revolutionary populist organization, was formed in August 1879.
Earth and will, a secret revolutionary society, existed in the 1870s.
Petrashevtsy, members of the circle of M. V. Petrashevsky (1827-1866).
Literature:
Revolutionaries. movement in Russia. Bio-bibliographic. dictionary, v. 2, c. 3, M., 1931;
Archive "Land and Freedom" and " People's Will", (M., 1932);
Tkachenko P. S., Revoluts. populist org-tion "Land and Freedom" (1876-1879), M., 1961.
The revolutionary party that existed in Russian Empire in 1879-1884
The "Narodnaya Volya" party arose in August - October 1879 as a result of the split of the "Land and Freedom", united supporters of the intensification of the terrorist struggle against the autocracy. It had a rigidly centralized structure, headed by the Executive Committee (EC), all members of which were equal and obeyed the will of the majority. The IC included A. Mikhailov, A. Zhelyabov, L. Tikhomirov, A. Zundelevich, N. Morozov, S. Perovskaya, M. Oshanina, V. Figner and others.
During its existence - 45 people. There was a narrower Administrative Commission. The Narodnaya Volya believed that the interests of the people and the autocracy were opposed. The EC program included demands for the creation of a permanent representative state body with broad powers, broad local self-government, freedom of conscience, speech, press, meetings, associations and agitation, transfer of land to the communities and use of land by peasants, liquidation of property on it, transfer of plants and factories into the hands of workers, etc. The Narodnaya Volya sought to organize an armed overthrow of the autocracy and the transfer of power to the Constituent Assembly elected on the basis of universal suffrage. To disorganize and intimidate the authorities, it was planned to carry out a series of terrorist acts to eliminate major figures of the tsarist administration. On August 26, 1879, the Narodnaya Volya members sentenced Emperor Alexander II to death.
By 1881, about 500 people had joined Narodnaya Volya, and even more opponents of the autocratic regime collaborated with it. It included organizations that formed circles in different cities: Student, which organized mass gatherings, Military, which included dozens of officers, Workers, which included the Central Workers' Circle in St. Petersburg (several hundred workers), and other circles. Relations were established with the revolutionary populist emigration. "Narodnaya Volya" published several newspapers: "Na-rod-naya vo-lya" (1879-85), "Ra-bo-tea ha-ze-ta" (1880-81), "Les-tok "Na-rod -noy in-li "" (1880-86), "Bulletin "Na-rod-noy in-li"" (1883-86). In exile, the Red Cross Society "Narodnaya Volya" was created to help victims of repression.
"Narodnaya Volya" prepared a number of terrorist acts, including 5 assassination attempts on Alexander II, as a result, it was possible to carry out the assassination of Alexander II on March 1, 1881. Sufficiently successful functioning in 1879-1880. the organization is also indebted to its agent in the police, N. Kletochnikov. At the beginning of 1881, the police, taking advantage of the betrayal of I. Okladsky, who was sentenced to eternal hard labor and embarked on the path of cooperation with the Okhrana, arrested Zhelyabov, Kletochnikov, and others, which hit the organization hard. The Executive Committee was destroyed. Arrested during the assassination of the tsar, N. Rysakov betrayed the Central Workers' Circle. Since then, the center of the party has been in Moscow.
After the assassination of Alexander II, Narodnaya Volya turned to Alexander III with a proposal to convene a Constituent Assembly, promising to stop the terror. But the government took the path of escalating repression. On March 18, 1882, the revolutionaries carried out the assassination of the Kiev military prosecutor V. Strelnikov, known in the revolutionary environment for his cruelty. Since June 1882, after the departure of Tikhomirov and the seriously ill Oshanina abroad, Figner headed the People's Will, trying to restore the organization.
On the denunciation of S. Degaev in February 1883, she was arrested. The Narodnaya Volya managed to kill the inspector of the secret police G. Sudeikin. After the blow dealt to the organization by the “Degaev affair”, the organization’s activities faded despite the attempts to revive the “Narodnaya Volya” undertaken in 1884 by G. Lopatin and in 1885 by B. Odzhikh, as well as Tikhomirov’s attempt to continue publishing its periodicals abroad . Five high-profile trials of Narodnaya Volya took place over the Narodnaya Volya: the trial of 16 (1880), the trial in the case of March 1, 1881, the trial of 20 (1882), the trial of 17 (1883) and the trial of 14 (1884). More than 15,000 people were subjected to various punishments for their involvement in Narodnaya Volya. In the future, attempts were made to revive the revolutionary populist party (for example, the Terrorist Faction of Narodnaya Volya in 1886-1887), but only the organizers of the Party of Socialist Revolutionaries (SRs) succeeded in this in 1902.
Historical sources:
Andrey Ivanovich Zhelyabov. Materials for the biography. M., 1930;
Archive "Earth-whether and in-whether" and "Na-rod-noy in-whether". M., 1932;
Li-te-ra-tu-ra of the party "Na-rod-naya in-la". M., 1930;
“Na-rod-naya in-la” in do-ku-men-tah and vos-by-mi-on-no-yah. M., 1930;
On-ro-do-vol-tsy after March 1, 1881 M., 1928;
Mo-ro-zov N. A. According to the weight of my life. M., 1947;
Re-in-lu-qi-on-noe on-kin-no-che-st-in the 70s. 19th century: Sat. do-ku-men-tov and ma-te-ria-lov. M., 1965;
"People's will-la" and "Black re-re-del". L., 1989;
Fig-ner V.N. For-pe-chat-len-ny labor. Memories. M., 1964. T. 1-2.
1. Archive of "Land and Freedom" and "Narodnaya Volya". - M.: 1932. - 316 p.
The implementation of assassination attempts on the emperor. The murder of Alexander II and the fate of terrorists
On August 9, 1878, a few days after the murder of Mezentsev, a royal decree was issued on the subordination of cases of state crimes and crimes against officials to the jurisdiction of a military court with the application of punishments established by wartime laws. On April 7, 1979, after Solovyov's assassination attempt on Alexander II, provisional governor-generals were appointed in St. Petersburg, Kharkov, and Odessa, who, like the permanent governor-generals in Moscow, Kyiv, and Warsaw, were granted emergency administrative order, subject to arrest at their discretion, close newspapers and magazines, and so on. No wonder the Minister of War D.A. Milyutin in 1879 said that "the whole of Russia ... was declared in a state of siege." But terror assumed wide proportions precisely during the period of these emergency measures.
After the division of "Land and Freedom" and the formation of "Narodnaya Volya", terror was given a systematic character. The purpose of the "Narodnaya Volya" was proclaimed the preparation of a broad popular uprising with the aim of seizing power. The Narodnaya Volya members believed that the conditions for this would be created when "a skillfully executed system of terrorist measures, simultaneously destroying 10-15 people - the pillars of the modern government," the documents of this organization said, "would lead the government into a panic, deprive it of unity of action and at the same time time will arouse the masses of the people, that is, create a convenient moment for an attack. one.
The main culprit of all the troubles in Russia was recognized as Emperor Alexander II. In August 1879, the Executive Committee of the "Narodnaya Volya" sentenced him to death. The preparation of assassination attempts on Alexander II "Narodnaya Volya" gave almost all of its human and material resources. Several groups were selected and started organizing this action. Knowing how carefully the life of the king is guarded, the Executive Committee considered a number of options for the assassination attempt. As a result, it was decided that the most vulnerable place in the security system was the route along which Alexander P annually made a trip to rest in the Crimea and back to St. Petersburg. On the route of the royal train, several ambushes were prepared: in Odessa, in case the tsar would go there by sea from the Crimea, on the Simferopol-Moscow railway near the city of Aleksandrovsk, and in Moscow.
1. Literature of the party "People's Will". - M.; 1930. - 4 s.
V. Figner and V. Kibalchich arrived in Odessa to carry out the operation. Under the name of the Ivanitsky spouses, they rented an apartment in the city, where N. Kolodkevich, M. Frolenko and T. Lebedeva soon arrived. The technical side of the case was led by a young scientist Nikolai Kibalchich. Mikhail Frolenko and Tatyana Lebedeva were instructed to penetrate the railway and mine it. Frolenko managed to get a job as a watchman, after which they settled in a traveling booth near the Gnilyakovo station. Dynamite was gradually brought here. However, soon the news came that the king from Livadia would not go to Odessa. The work was stopped and the group was disbanded.
At the same time, work was going on near the city of Aleksandrovsk, located between Kursk and Belgorod. Here the explosion on the railway was prepared by A. Zhelyabov, A. Yakimova and I. Okladsky. Zhelyabov, who headed this group, under the name of the merchant Cheremisinov, received permission to build near the canvas railway leather workshop. Under the guise of this construction, the laying of dynamite began. Another person joined the group - Yakov Tikhonov. By November 18, 1879, everything was ready, but the unexpected happened: at the time of the passage of the royal train, the mine did not explode. It is still not clear what caused the failure - the damage is true or its incorrect connection.
Now Moscow has become the decisive point. Back in September, significant forces and a large supply of dynamite were sent here. On the outskirts of the city, next to the railway, a young married couple, the Sukhorukovs, bought a house. They were Lev Hartman and Sofia Perovskaya. From the house, under the railroad bed, a dig was carried out every night. For this, Alexander Mikhailov, Aizik Aronchik, Grigory Isaev, Alexander Barannikov and Nikolai Morozov secretly lived in the house. They worked in very difficult conditions. In addition to being discovered by the police, they were constantly in danger of being buried in a tunnel.
Sofya Perovskaya was the daughter of a prominent official of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, a representative of a well-known aristocratic family. The rest of the underground - come from among the raznochintsy. Almost all of them at different times studied at higher educational institutions, showed brilliant promises. Further fate their fate was tragic. In addition to Hartmann and Morozov, all of them were destined to die on the gallows and in prison dungeons. Hartmann managed to escape abroad and end his life years later in America. Morozov, after spending 25 years in prison, will come out of it not broken morally and physically, will conduct scientific activities, and become an honorary academician.
On November 19, 1879, the Narodnaya Volya were waiting for news from Aleksandrovsk. Everything was calm, which means that the assassination attempt there failed. All hope was now on those who gathered in the house on the outskirts
Moscow. The mine was laid. They were waiting for the appearance of the royal train. The king and his retinue moved in two trains. The first was always the train, in which the accompanying persons rode, and then the train, where the king himself was. Therefore, Perovskaya, who was instructed to give a signal, calmly missed the first train. The train following him was blown up. But for some technical reasons, this time it was the royal train that went first. The explosion derailed only the train with the persons accompanying the emperor.
This event brought the authorities into a state of unusual activity. Mass arrests began. As a result, members of the Executive Committee A. Kvyatkovsky and S. Shiryaev were captured, a printing house in St. Petersburg was destroyed. But the "hunt" for the king continued. A new assassination attempt was being prepared in the very heart of the empire - in St. Petersburg, in the Winter Palace. Stepan Khalturin managed to get a job there in a carpentry workshop. In small portions, he carried dynamite into the palace and hid it under his bed in a travel chest. At the meetings of the Executive Committee, it was decided to make an explosion under the royal dining room at the moment when the entire imperial family would gather there. They determined the date - February 5, 1880, when a ceremonial dinner was to take place in honor of the arrival of Prince Alexander of Hesse. Precisely timing, Khalturin set fire to the cord and left the palace. But again luck turned away from the conspirators. The king and his family, who were meeting the prince, lingered for literally a few seconds and did not have time to enter the dining room.
Soon Alexander Mikhailov proposed another option. It was decided to carry out an assassination attempt on the Stone Bridge, on which the emperor invariably passed, returning from Tsarskoye Selo to Winter Palace. The preparation and conduct of this action were again entrusted to Andrey Zhelyabov. His group included: Andrey Presnyakov, Mikhail Grachevsky, Alexander Barannikov and St. Petersburg worker Makar Teterka. With the help of a boat, they laid mines under the bridge. It was assumed that Teterka and Zhelyabov would be under the guise of workers on a raft and, as soon as the royal carriage entered the bridge, they would blow it up. On the appointed day, August 17, 1880, Zhelyabov came to the place and began to wait for his partner. Time passed, and that all was not. At that moment, when Teterka appeared, the royal carriage had already crossed the bridge - The worker did not have his watch and he was simply late. It was not possible to repeat the action - with the onset of autumn, Alexander P stopped leaving St. Petersburg.
By the beginning of 1881, one after another, the leading figures of Narodnaya Volya, members of its Executive Committee, fell into the hands of the authorities: Mikhailov, Presnyakov, Aronchik, Aron Zundelevich, Nikolai Morozov.
After each assassination attempt, the Executive Committee addressed the authorities with a warning. They said that if the government did not agree to the introduction of a constitution, to the implementation of fundamental reforms, then the terrorist struggle would increase. And here you can't
It should be noted that in this direction the Narodnaya Volya managed to achieve some success. The assassination attempts on the king caused confusion in the upper echelons of power. From the middle of 1879 on the government increased its pressure and public opinion in the country. A number of major press organs representing the democratic and liberal trends, with varying degrees resolutely insisted on political reforms.
In addition, this period was marked by an increase in socio-economic contradictions. A number of provinces were struck by crop failure, society was shocked by a series of revelations of the extortion of representatives of the ruling elite, the widest sections of the population expressed dissatisfaction with the results Russian-Turkish war.
During 1879-1881, the authorities constantly wavered and were ready to rush from one extreme to another. After Solovyov's assassination attempt, a decree was passed on the creation of governor-generals in St. Petersburg, Kharkov and Odessa and the empowerment of their administrations with special powers. The explosion in the Winter Palace on February 5, 1880 led to the establishment of the "Supreme Administrative Commission" headed by General Mikhail Torielovich Loris-Melikov, vested with gubernatorial powers. At the same time, terrorist attacks forced the government to look for other ways out of the crisis.
At the end of 1880, Loris-Melikov, who by that time had already become the Minister of Internal Affairs, sent a special report to the Tsar, in which he proposed "to complete the great work of state reforms." True, in it he immediately stipulated that there could be no question of any constitution, of limiting autocracy. In his project, Loris-Melikov proceeded only from the possibility of creating some temporary preparatory commissions and including representatives of the zemstvos and the urban population in them. These commissions were supposed to develop bills on the most cardinal issues: peasant, zemstvo, city administration. A proposal was made for the possible participation of some of these elected representatives in the work State Council. To confirm its liberality, the government of Loris-Melikov even liquidated the III branch.
Be that as it may, after a series of discussions, this project was finally approved by the tsar and a meeting of the Council of Ministers was scheduled for March 4, 1881, at which its approval was to take place. However, on March 1, history took another zigzag - Narodnaya Volya intervened in the course of events.
After six unsuccessful assassination attempts, it was decided to hold another - the seventh. The frantic preparations began again. As a result of careful surveillance of the king, it was established that every Sunday he was present at the solemn divorce of the guard in
Mikhailovsky arena. After that, he often visited a short time to the Mikhailovsky Palace to Grand Duchess Ekaterina Mikhailovna, and then went to dine at the Anichkov Palace with his eldest son, heir to the throne, Grand Duke Alexander Alexandrovich, and after that he returned to the Winter Palace. Most often, his route passed along the embankment of the Catherine Canal or along Malaya Sadovaya. Here it was decided to strike the main blow.
On the corner of Malaya Sadovaya and Nevsky Prospekt, on the ground floor of the house, they rented a room for the cheese shop of the wife of Kobozeva. They were Yuri Bogdanovich and Anna Yakimova, experienced members of the People's Will. From here, from the cheese shop, they began to dig a tunnel under Malaya Sadovaya.
From November 1880, Zhelyabov, Kolodkevich, Sukhanov, Varennikov, Sablin, Lantane, Frolenko, Degaev and Merkulov worked here alternately. Later, the latter two became traitors, but in those days, probably, even they themselves could not foresee their fate. Again, as once near Moscow, they worked tirelessly, overcoming all sorts of difficulties. By the end of February 1881, the work was completed, it only remained to lay a mine. The revolutionaries were in a hurry as never before, because their situation became more and more desperate. Comrades who knew about the impending assassination had already been captured by the police. It became clear that the authorities had some kind of information, although not complete and not accurate, but still allowing them to arrest one or the other participant in this case. Simultaneously with the digging under Malaya Sadovaya, it was decided to create another auxiliary group. The terrorists armed with bombs were to block Malaya Sadovaya, and if the explosion spared the tsar, they were to attack his carriage. However, the arrests of early 1881 meant that there were not enough experienced, tried and tested fighters for this second group. Therefore, Zhelyabov composed it from young revolutionaries who had not yet passed a serious test. The group included a university student Yevgeny Sidorenko, a student of the Technological Institute Ignaty Grinevitsky, a former student of the same institute Nikolai Rysakov, and workers Timofey Mikhailov and Ivan Yemelyanov. As before, Nikolai Kibalchich took over the technical side of the matter. He made several bombs, which were then delivered to the safe house where Gesya Gelfman and Nikolai Sablin lived.
However, on February 27 Andrei Zhelyabov was arrested. Sophia Perovskaya took charge of the operation. At a meeting of the Executive Committee, which took place in the apartment where Grigory Isaev and Vera Figner lived, it was decided to immediately complete the preparations for the assassination attempt. The candidacies of metalworkers were once again discussed. In one night, Nikolai Kibalchich, Nikolai Sukhanov and Mikhail Grachevsky made 4 bombs, which were handed over to Grinevitsky, Mikhailov, Rysakov and Yemelyanov on the morning of March 1. On the night of March 1, Isaev laid a mine near Malaya Sadovaya. Everyone left the Kobozevs' shop.
Only the owner remained in the shop - Anna Yakimova, who, standing at the window, was waiting for the appearance of the carriage of Alexander P. Seeing her, she had to give a signal to Mikhail Frolenko, who was in the next room and took on a deadly mission - to blow up a mine. But then the royal exit appeared and ... bypassing Malaya Sadovaya, drove the other way. By order of Perovskaya, the throwers moved to the embankment of the Ekterinensky Canal.
Some time passed, and the tsar, having called after the divorce of the guard at the Mikhailovsky Palace, headed along Engineering Street to the Catherine Canal. Rysakov stepped forward to meet him first. A wave of the hand, and a column of fire rose under the carriage. When the smoke cleared, everyone saw that Alexander, safe and sound, was getting out of the carriage. The wounded were moaning around, and several dead lay among the escort Cossacks and bystanders. The tsar coolly looked around the place of the explosion, and then approached Rysakov, who was captured by the guards. After a brief glance at him and after listening to the first report on the incident, he, obeying the persuasion of the guards, headed back to the carriage. At that moment, a young man who seemed to be standing indifferently stepped forward, who, approaching the king, threw a bomb at his feet. As a result of a new explosion, the emperor was mortally wounded, as well as Ignatius Grinevitsky, who had committed this attempt. The dying tsar was taken to the palace, and soon the black flag raised over the Winter Palace announced the end of the 25-year reign of Alexander II. Russia was entering a new historical era.
Having received the news of the death of the tsar, the Executive Committee of the "Narodnaya Volya" prepared and published several documents explaining what had happened. The proclamation "To Society" contained an appeal to continue the struggle. It said: “Russia. Exhausted by hunger, exhausted by the arbitrariness of the administration, constantly losing the strength of her sons on the gallows, in penal servitude, in exile, in the wearisome inaction forced by the existing regime, Russia cannot live like this any longer. 1. A letter was also sent to the new Tsar, Alexander III. In it, an ultimatum was presented to the autocracy: an amnesty for all political prisoners and the convocation of representatives of the people, or the continuation of a bloody war.
Immediately after the news of the death of the king, the Narodnaya Volya waited
revolutionary action of the masses, but the bombings on
Catherine's Canal did not become a signal for an uprising. The people remained generally quite indifferent to the event. The liberal opposition, on the other hand, was only frightened and irritated, as it now expected retaliatory actions on the part of the reaction. In turn, the government and the conservative forces were not only
1. Revolutionary populism of the 70s of the XIX century. - M. - L.; 1965. -T.2.-233s.
disorganized, but on the contrary, rallied in the face of the danger threatening them. In St. Petersburg itself, the military units raised to their feet quickly took control of the city.
Within a few days the country was sworn in to the new king. And besides separate scattered speeches, mostly among young students, there were no serious anti-government indignations recorded in those days.
The authorities acted extremely vigorously. In a short time, as a result of mass police actions, the St. Petersburg core of the "people's will" was defeated. In this, Nikolai Rysakov rendered a huge service to the gendarmes. One of the first he gave away a safe house, where on March 1 he received a bomb from the hands of Sofia Perovskaya. During the seizure of this apartment, Nikolai Sablin committed suicide and Gesya Gelfman was arrested. Then in a row, literally in a few March days, Nikolai Kibalchich, Timofei Mikhailov, Sofya Perovskaya, Grigory Isaev, Nikolai Sukhanov, Ivan Yemelyanov, Mikhail Frolenko and a number of other active figures of the revolutionary underground were arrested. Only a few participants in those events managed to escape from the "March pogrom" from St. Petersburg. The revolutionary underground was forced to state that the assassination of Alexander II not only did not produce the expected result, but also contributed to the triumph of the reaction.
From the first days of the new reign, the chief procurator of the Synod, K.P. Pobedonostsev, received enormous power. He used all his influence and remarkable abilities to establish a new, reactionary course. A supporter of patriarchal relations, a nationalist and a preacher of "strong" power, he first of all managed to achieve the annulment of the already practically adopted "constitution" of Loris-Melikov. Relying on the most reactionary circles, Pobedonostsev quickly convinced the new tsar to remove from power not only Loris-Melikov, but also the ministers A.A. Abaza, D.A. Milyutin, A.P. Nikolai, who seemed to him too liberal. They were replaced by such figures known for their extreme obscurantism as N.P. Ignatiev, S.P. Vannovsky, D.A. Tolstoy and I.D. Delyanov.
For many years, an atmosphere of police terror, nationalist demagogy and imperial ambitions reigned in Russia.
The first target for reaction was the revolutionary movement. After March 1, 1881, for two or three years, Narodnaya Volya was practically defeated, and its leaders, who did not have time to flee abroad, were arrested one by one. The prologue of the new reign was the process of the First of March, which took place at the end of March 1881. The surviving organizers and perpetrators of the assassination of Alexander II appeared before the court: Zhelyabov, Perovskaya, Mikhailov,
Kibalchich, Gelfman and Rysakov. Their fate was sealed. The verdict was the same for everyone - the death penalty through hanging. All of them were executed on April 3, 1881 in St. Petersburg. Only for Gesya Gelfman, who was expecting a child, the execution was delayed. She died a few months later in childbirth in the prison hospital. Later, during 1881-1883, the rest of the participants in the events of March 1 were captured and tried: Bogdanovich, Yakimova, Frolenko, Figner, Sukhanov, Isaev, Grachevsky, Sidorenko, Emelyanov, Olovennikova and others. For many it was a slow death. Only Nikolai Sukhanov was immediately executed. In the eyes of the king, his guilt was aggravated by the fact that he was an officer.
Narodnaya Volya continued to exist for several more years, but never before has this organization been as numerous and influential as it was at the turn of the 1970s and 1980s. The arrests of 1883-1885 were a fatal blow to it, when the last prominent revolutionaries of that time fell into the hands of the authorities: G. Lopatin, P. Yakubovich, V. Figner and B. Orzhikh.
The defeat and fall of Narodnaya Volya marked the end of a major stage in the history of revolutionary movements in Russia and, more broadly, in the history of Russia. The crisis engulfed the entire broad camp of Narodism: Narodnaya Volya, Black Peredelists, and liberal publicists. The process of gradual disintegration of populism and its displacement by the nascent Russian social democracy begins.
Meanwhile, it was the “pure” autocracy that replaced the liberal autocracy. It was difficult to shake the Nikolaev Empire. The established state system was generally immune to change. The half-hearted reforms of Alexander II deprived it of its strength, which led to a split in society, which later led to a reaction, increased terror and, ultimately, to civil war and the change of the state system itself.
Son of Alexander II - Alexandra III. But the liberal Russian intelligentsia did not seem to see this. All reactionary yes reactionary. And although the country had not yet mastered even half the potential of the old reforms, Alexander decided to meet the wishes of the liberal public and again began to prepare a new cycle of reforms: he decided to give this public the constitution it so desired. True word...
On the case of the Petersburg Revolutionary Organization. 2) Article by M.G. Vandalkovskaya “Materials of S.N. Yuzhakov as a source on the revolutionary movement of the 60s of the XIX century. Chapter II. Terrorism of the populist movement of the 60s-80s of the XIX century. 2.1 Populist theorists In the 60s. 19th century The era of the Great Reforms began. Changes - inevitable, necessary, long-awaited, frightening - ...
Card Title"Land and freedom". Articles of association. Extended edition. 1876
Annotation: The first charter of "Land and Freedom", adopted, according to G.V. Plekhanov, at the beginning of 1877, did not reach us. Only an approximate retelling of it by O.V. Aptekman. (Aptekman O.V. Society "Land and Freedom" of the 70s. Pgr., 1924. S. 195-198.). Apparently, the idea of centralizing the organization was not carried through with sufficient firmness, since a year later, in the spring of 1878, the charter was changed (in Land and Freedom it was customary to revise the charter every year). HELL. Mikhailov demanded a radical restructuring of the organizational foundations, insisting on strengthening the unifying principles of the underground society, as well as greater dependence of local groups on the center. According to A.D. Mikhailov, the triumph of the revolution is achieved by centralization and discipline of the will (Aptekman O.V. Society "Land and Freedom". P. 217.). In this spirit, on behalf of the main circle, he drafted the charter. At a meeting of the landowners, the project of A.D. Mikhailov met with resistance from the federalists. “When discussing the draft prepared by him, considerable opposition was met by a paragraph according to which a member of the main circle was obliged to fulfill any order of the majority of his comrades, even if it did not fully correspond to his personal views. Mikhailov could not even understand the point of view of his opponents. “If you have accepted the program of the circle, if you have become a member of the organization, then on the main points you cannot have disagreements with the majority of its members,” he repeated with annoyance. “You may disagree with them on the propriety and timeliness of the undertaking entrusted to you, but in that case you must submit to the majority of votes. As for me, I will do whatever the organization requires of me. If I were forced to write poetry, I would not refuse it, although I would have known in advance that the poems would come out impossible. The individual must obey the organization ”(G.V. Plekhanov. Memoirs about A.D. Mikhailov. Op. T. 1. - M .; Pg., 1923. P. 162-163.). HELL. Mikhailov managed to convince the majority of the circle, and his proposals were accepted. Draft charter, drawn up by A.D. Mikhailov, as well as the final text of the charter of 1878 has not yet been found. In 1932 S.H. Valk published a draft charter written by A.D. Obolesheva in 1876. We publish it.
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Educational level
Bibliography: Aptekman O.V. Society "Land and Freedom" of the 70s. 2nd ed. - Pg., 1924; Archive of "Land and Freedom" and "Narodnaya Volya". - M., 1932; Morozov N.A. Lead my life. Tt. I-II. - M., 1962; Popov M.R. Landlord's Notes. - M., 1933; Revolutionaries of the 1870s. Memoirs of participants in the populist movement. - L .: Lenizdat, 1986; Revolutionary populism in the 70s of the XIX century. T. II. 1876-1882 / Ed. S.S. wolf. – M.; L .: Publishing house "Nauka", 1965; Revolutionary radicalism in Russia: the nineteenth century. Documentary publication. Ed. E.L. Rudnitskaya. M.: Archeographic Center, 1997; Stepnyak-Kravchinsky S. Underground Russia. Works, vols. 1, - M., 1958. Tikhomirov L. Memories. – M.; L., 1927; Figner V.N. Imprinted work. Memoirs in two volumes. T. 1. - M .: Publishing House "Thought", 1964; Frolenko M. Sobr. op. in two volumes. T. I-II. - M., 1932; Chronicle of the socialist movement in Russia. 1878-1887 - M., 1906. Antonov V.F. Revolutionary Populism - M., 1965; Bogucharsky V.Ya. Active populism of the seventies. - M., 1912; Budnitsky O.V. Terrorism in the Russian liberation movement: ideology, ethics, psychology (second half of the 19th - early 20th centuries) M., 2000; Levin Sh.M. Social movement in Russia in the 60-70s. XIX century, - M., 1958; Kalinchuk S.V. Psychological factor in the activities of "Land and Freedom" in the 1870s // Questions of history. 1999. No. 3; Lyashenko L.M. Revolutionary Populists. - M .: "Enlightenment", 1989; Pelevin Yu.A. The destruction of the center "Earth and freedom" by the police and the restoration of its A.D. Mikhailov // From the history of culture and social thought of the peoples of the USSR. Collection of scientific articles. - M .: From the Moscow University, 1984; Pelevin Yu.A. The secret activities of A.D. Mikhailov in "Land and Freedom" and "Narodnaya Volya" // Bulletin of Moscow University. Ser. 8. History. 1986. No. 2; Russia in a revolutionary situation at the turn of the 1870-1880s. Collective monograph. - M .: Publishing house "Nauka", 1983; Serebryakov E. Essay on the history of "Land and Freedom". - St. Petersburg, 1906; Tvardovskaya V.A. Socialist thought in Russia at the turn of the 1870-1880s. - M., 1969; Tkachenko P.S. Revolutionary populist organization "Land and Freedom" (1876-1879). - M., 1961.
Territory Russian empire
Russian people
Personalities Mikhailov, Alexander Dmitrievich, revolutionary, populist; Aptekman, Osip Vasilyevich, revolutionary, populist; Plekhanov, Georgy Valentinovich, revolutionary, populist, social democrat; Oboleshev, Alexei Dmitrievich - revolutionary, populist
Original language Russian
Sources Compiled by Yu.A. Pelevin; text - Revolutionary populism of the 70s of the XIX century. T. II. 1876-1882 / Ed. S.S. wolf. – M.; L .: Publishing house "Nauka", 1965. No. 3. S. 34-42; fig. - Archive of "Land and Freedom" and "Narodnaya Volya". - M., 1932. Insert between 64 and 65 p.
Body of article/biography:
"Land and freedom". Articles of association. Extended edition. 1876
§ 1. The organization has as its immediate aim the realization of a popular uprising, in the near future possible, in the name of the popular desires, as they are at the present moment. § 2. Until the first congress (§ 41), the organization is a "basic circle" of people closely united among themselves. This circle is divided into groups or communities, both territorial and by specialties (§ 26-30). Note. The choice of this or that locality for the activities of a well-known group, as well as the composition of groups according to specialties, is determined by the program of the circle. A. Basic principles of organization
§ 3. Unconditional bringing by each member to the benefit of the organization of all his forces, means, connections, likes and dislikes, and even his life. § 4. The agreement of each member with the general program of practical activity and the obligation to act in its spirit. § 5. Absence of private property among the members of the main circle. § 6. Observance of the uttermost secrecy regarding all internal affairs of the organization. § 7. Subordination of the minority to the majority and a member of the circle. § 8. Since the organization has in view the rallying of all the Russian revolutionary forces useful to the cause, personal 3 sympathies and antipathies towards people are excluded as far as possible in all the affairs of the organization, as an indispensable condition for joint activity. § 9. The end justifies the means. Note. Excluding those cases when the means used can undermine the authority of the organization (§ 14). B. Immediate tasks of the main circle
§ 10. Formation of groups of territorial and specialties recognized as necessary by the general program of activity of the main circle. § 11. Attraction to the organization of the greatest possible number of revolutionary forces, means and connections. § 12. Control over the activities of all groups and each member individually. Note. Personal life each is as much subject to general control as it may seem important in this practical case. B. Responsibilities and mutual relations of the members of the main circle
§ 13. All members of the main circle are absolutely full. § 14. Each member of the main circle is obliged by all means to maintain the honor and influence of both the entire organization and its individual members. § 15. In the event of any personal clashes between members of the main circle, the case is decided by an arbitration court from the members of the main circle. The decision of this court is binding on the litigants. § 16. Members of the main circle, with whom public property is connected or connected with some important connections, should take care of themselves and, if possible, not take part in dangerous undertakings. § 17. Each member of the main circle chooses a kind of activity for himself or joins one or another group according to his own inclination; in those cases when for a certain function there is no one willing to perform it of their own accord, the circle can oblige anyone who falls for this function (by the majority) to take on this function. § 18. Each member of the main circle, who is in any group or in any specialty, if he wishes to leave this group or this specialty, must declare his intention to the main circle at least two months in advance, and before the expiration of this term, he is not entitled to leave his place. Notes. Clearly, this is obligatory only in the case when the presence of one of the members of the main circle at a given place is necessary, and if a member intending to leave this place cannot be replaced by another immediately after declaring his intention to the main circle or chattering about them, then such member should be... § 19. Every member of the main circle has the right to freely withdraw from it; but upon leaving, he is obliged to keep secret everything that he knows about the affairs and about the organization of the circle. § 20. If, however, it is proved that a member who has left the circle betrays the secrets of the circle or talks about them, then such a member must be ...
D. Expansion of the main circle.
§ 21. The admission of a new member to the main circle requires a very strict assessment of the personality. In addition to the requirement indicated in the next paragraph, it is necessary that the newly admitted member be known to the circle from the side of experience and practicality in business. Otherwise, he must be on probation for some time.
§ 22. A new member can be admitted to the main circle only with the guarantee of at least five members of the main circle who personally know the newly admitted, and only if he agrees with the general program of practical activities and with the charter of the organization of the circle.
Note. The personal acquaintance of five persons with the newly admitted member is not necessary if he is historically famous and satisfies the requirement specified in § 21.
§ 24. In view of this, each time a new member is admitted to the main circle, if not all, then at least two-thirds of the total number of members of the main circle must be notified.
§ 25. Until the moment of joining the main circle, the candidate is not informed of the names of the localities where the members of the organization operate, nor the composition of the main circle and the organization in general.
E. Composition of groups, their tasks and organization
§ 26. The number and nature of groups are determined by the general program of the circle.
§ 27. Tasks of groups - execution of parts general program circle and the enterprises that it envisages.
Section 28. Groups enjoy complete autonomy in their local and internal affairs.
§ 29. The internal organization of each group may be peculiar; but the members of the main circle who are members of local or special groups, keeping secret their participation in the main circle, try to create an organization of groups in the spirit and in the interests of the main circle.
Note. They explain their relationship to the main circle to the members of the group as the relationship of two groups connected through them.
§ 30. Groups, both territorial and by specialty, are formed by members of the main circle or separatist members (§ 31), who unite around themselves useful and skillful people and enter into binding relations with them.
E. Separatist members
§ 31. People who do not want or for some reason are unable to become members of the main circle or one or another group may enter into special contractual relations (federal) with the circle on special matters. They are called separatist members.
§ 32. If a separatist member does not want the main circle to know about the details of the case for which he undertakes, then, agreeing with the circle, he has the right to report his case only in general terms.
§ 33. Separatist members do not negotiate with the whole circle, but only with a few persons elected from the circle.
§ 34. Separatist members must not be aware of the existence of the "basic circle" or of its organization.
G. Administration (Commission) in the main circle; her rights and obligations
§ 35. Since the members of the main circle according to their tasks will be divided by special affairs, then, in view of the need to concentrate funds and information, a commission is elected by the members of the main circle from among their midst.
§ 36. The following duties are assigned to the commission: a) to organize the missing groups, b) to raise funds, c) to give a report on the general progress of the case, the distribution of funds, the state of the cash desk, etc., within certain time limits and expenses; d) serve as an intermediary in relations between groups and accurately carry out their instructions.
§ 37. The Commission enjoys the following rights: a) it has, for the purposes of the correct regulation of revolutionary forces and means, detailed and accurate information about the activities of all groups and separatist members; b) enter into negotiations and federal relations on behalf of the circle with other organizations and individuals; c) within the limits determined by the main circle by an accurate estimate drawn up within certain deadlines, distribute funds.
§ 38. Members of the commission are elected for an indefinite term.
§ 39. The number of members of the commission from 5 to 3; it can be increased as needed.
§ 40. Members of the commission are elected by a majority of two-thirds of the total number of members of the main circle.
3. About the Congress; purpose and objectives of the Congress.
§ 41. When the groups and their organization are sufficiently strong and have assumed a permanent character, a congress of representatives from all local and special groups, i.e., must be convened. a congress of members of the main circle was arranged - if possible, all, and if this is not possible, then at least 2/3 of the total number of members of the main circle.
Note. The determination of the time of the congress and the organization of the congress itself lie most closely with the responsibility of the commission.
§ 42. The purpose of the congress is to sum up the previous activities of the circle and, on the basis of experimental data, determine the direction and nature of future activities.
§ 43. Tasks of the congress: a) drawing up a strictly defined program for further practical activities; b) reviewing the charter of the organization and changing it, if necessary; c) verification of the means and affairs of the organization.
Note. In general, the congress must resolve all the questions that have arisen concerning both individual groups and the entire organization.
§ 44. The decisions of the congress are binding on all members of the main circle.
I. About relationships.
§ 45. Personal meetings and communications are recognized as the best form of communication in a circle; but since this kind of communication is not always possible, in such cases encrypted correspondence through the correct addresses is allowed.
§ 46. In cases of particular importance, no correspondence should be allowed at all: the whole business should be conducted through the direct mediation of their people.
§ 47. Members of the main circle, who were in local or special groups, should try to ensure that all correspondence of the group is entrusted to persons who are most practical and experienced in this matter.
§ 48. Ciphers and passwords that exist for communication between members of the main circle should not be known to anyone except members of the main circle.
§ 49. Changing the charter and introducing amendments and additions to it can be done only with the knowledge and consent of at least 2/3 of the total number of members of the main circle.
§ 50. It is obligatory for each of the members of the main circle to follow this charter.
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