The German Trade Union, which for many centuries controlled most of the trade transactions with London, Veliky Novgorod, Riga, and also signed trade documents on behalf of the Roman merchant empire with special conditions for each German city - as you may have guessed, we are talking about the Hanseatic League , the history of which is outlined in the article.

Brief historical background

There are not many examples in the history of mankind that demonstrate voluntary and mutually beneficial alliances concluded between countries or corporations. But it should be noted that many of them were based on human self-interest and greed. Consequently, such alliances were short-lived. Any violation of agreements or interests always led to collapse, but the history of the Hanseatic League is not like all the others.

This union is a community of cities that represented the most important force in Northern Europe and equal partners of sovereign countries, but it should be noted that the interests of the settlements that were part of the Hansa were too different. And not in all cases economic cooperation became military or political. The importance of the Hanseatic League cannot be overestimated, since it was this phenomenon in the world economy that laid the foundations for international trade.

How did the trade union come about?

Let's move on to studying the issue of the emergence and flourishing of a trade association. The creation of the Hanseatic League dates back to 1267. This was a response of European merchants to the fragmentation of European states in the Middle Ages. This political phenomenon was very risky for business. Robbers and pirates operated along trade routes, and princes, churches and appanage rulers imposed high taxes on all goods that were saved and brought to trade counters. Everyone wanted to profit from the merchant. Consequently, statutory robbery flourished. Absurd trade rules allowed fines to be imposed for improper pot depth or fabric color. But it is worth noting that Germany, using maritime trade routes, achieved certain successes in development at the beginning of the 11th century. The King of Saxony provided German traders with good advantages in London.

In 1143, the city of Lübeck was founded - the heart of the Hanseatic League in the future. Soon the sovereign ceded Lubeck, which became an imperial city. His power was recognized by all the provinces of Northern Germany. A little later, the Lübeck merchant union acquired trading privileges in many countries.

In 1158, the imperial city quickly flourished as it reached the Baltic Sea with trade, and then a German trading company was founded on the island of Gotland. Gotland had a favorable location at sea. Thus, ships entered its ports so that the crews could rest and the ship could be put in order.

100 years later, in 1241, the trade alliances of Lübeck and Hamburg made a deal to protect trade routes between the Baltic and North Seas. Thus, in 1256, the first trading group of coastal cities was formed.

Cities of the Hanseatic League

In 1267, a single union of cities that were part of the Hansa was formed:

• Lübeck;
• Hamburg;
• Bremen;
• Cologne;
• Gdansk;
• Riga;
• Luneburg;
• Wismar;
• Rostock and others.

It is known that in the year the Hanseatic League was founded, it included up to 70 cities. The participants of the union decided that all representative affairs would be conducted by Lübeck, since its senators and burgomasters were considered more capable of managing trade affairs. In addition, it was this city that took on its balance the costs of protecting the ships.

Advantages and disadvantages

The leaders of the Hanseatic League very skillfully used positive circumstances to take control of trade affairs in the North and Baltic Seas. They skillfully made it a monopoly. Thus, they had the opportunity to set the price of goods at their own discretion, and they also sought to gain influence in countries where there was interest for them, as well as various privileges. For example, the right to freely organize colonies and trade; the right to purchase houses and courtyards with representation of jurisdiction.

There were cases when experienced, politically talented and prudent leaders of the union skillfully took advantage of the weaknesses and difficult situation of neighboring countries. They indirectly or directly put the state in a dependent position in order to achieve the desired results.

Expansion of the Union. Three main blocks

Despite all the manipulations carried out by the burgomasters and senators, the composition of the Hanseatic League was steadily expanding. Now it began to include other cities:

• Amsterdam;
• Berlin;
• Hamburg;
• Frankfurt;
• Bremen;
• Cologne;
• Hanover;
• Koenigsberg;
• Danzig;
• Memel;
• Yuryev;
• Narva;
• Stockholm;
• Volen;
• Pomorie and other cities.

The union has become big. The newly annexed cities had to be divided into groups. Now all the cities that were part of the Hansa were conditionally divided into three districts:

1. Eastern: lands of Lübeck, Hamburg, Stettin, etc.
2. Western: territories of Cologne, Dortmund, Groningen.
3. Baltic provinces.

Expulsion from the Union

Another effective technique to keep trading partners in the alliance. The thing is that it was extremely difficult to keep coastal cities, as well as various cities scattered from the Gulf of Finland to Germany, in a single union. After all, the interests of the partners were very different, and only a common interest could serve as the connecting element. The only way to keep a partner was to exclude him. This entailed a ban on the remaining members of the union to have any dealings with the exiled city, which inevitably led to the termination of various relations with it.

However, there was no authority in the union that would monitor the implementation of these instructions. Various claims and complaints were brought only during congresses of allied cities, which met from time to time. Representatives from every city whose interests desired it came to these conventions. With port cities, the method of exclusion was very effective. For example, in 1355, the German city of Bremen announced its desire for isolation. As a result, he left the union with huge losses, and three years later expressed a desire to re-enter it.

Additional Hansa ideas

The founders of the union responded flexibly to the challenges of the time. They very quickly and actively expanded their influence. And several centuries after its founding, it included almost two hundred cities. The development of the Hansa was facilitated by a unified monetary system, equality of native languages, as well as equal rights for residents of the cities of this union.

It is noteworthy that the Hansians spread ideas about a healthy lifestyle. They actively implemented the business etiquette they represented. Clubs were opened where merchants exchanged experience and business ideas, and also disseminated various technologies for the production of products and goods. Schools for novice artisans, which opened on the territory of the Hanseatic League, became popular. It is believed that for Medieval Europe it was an innovation. Many researchers note that the Hansa formed the civilized image of modern Europe, which we are seeing now.

Trade relations with Russia

This type of relationship began in the 14th century. The Hanseatic League and its ties with Russia benefited everyone. Furs and wax, leather, silk, flax, and squirrel skins were exported from Russian lands, and Russian merchants purchased mainly salt and fabrics. Most often they bought linen, satin, cloth and velvet.

Hanseatic offices were located in two Russian cities - Novgorod and Pskov. Overseas merchants were very interested in wax. The thing is that Europeans did not know how to produce it in the required quantity and quality. It was also customary among Catholics to sculpt from this material the part of the body that is affected by the disease. Trade in weapons and non-ferrous metals has always been considered a stumbling block in trade relations. It was profitable for the Hanseatic League to sell weapons to Russian lands, and the Livonian Order feared the growth of the power of the Slavs. As a result, he interfered with this process. But, as you guessed, commercial interests most often prevailed over Levon’s interests. For example, a trade transaction was witnessed when in 1396 merchants from Revel imported weapons in fish barrels to Pskov and Novgorod.

Conclusion

The time certainly came when the Hanseatic League began to lose its dominance over the cities of Europe. It started in the 16th century. Russia and Spain left the union. The Hansa repeatedly tried to establish relations with these states, but all attempts were in vain, and the war, which lasted for 30 years, ruined the remnants of German power at sea. The collapse of a union is a long process that requires separate consideration.

In modern human history, there is a New Hanseatic League called the European Union. The experience of the Hanseatic League remained unclaimed for a long time, but the Baltic region today is developing very dynamically and is valued because these lands have everything that is necessary for mutually beneficial relations between the European Union and Russia. Experts and economists believe that the New Hanseatic League contributes to the development of Russia's relations with the Baltic countries.

Hanseatic League

“With agreement, small things grow into big ones;
when there is disagreement, even the great ones fall apart.”(Sallust.)

Dmitry VOINOV

In world history there are not many examples of voluntary and mutually beneficial alliances concluded between states or any corporations. In addition, the overwhelming majority of them were based on self-interest and greed. And, as a result, they all turned out to be very short-lived. Any imbalance of interests in such an alliance invariably led to its collapse. All the more attractive for comprehension, as well as for learning instructive lessons these days, are such rare examples of long-term and strong coalitions, where all the actions of the parties were subordinated to the ideas of cooperation and development.

In the history of Europe, the Hanseatic League, which successfully existed for about four centuries, can fully become such a model. States collapsed, numerous wars began and ended, political boundaries states of the continent, but the trade and economic union of the cities of northeastern Europe lived and developed.

How did the name " Hansa"It is not known exactly. There are at least two versions among historians. Some believe that Hanse is a Gothic name and means “a crowd or group of comrades,” others believe that it is based on a Middle Low German word translated as “union or partnership.” In any case, the idea of ​​the name implied a kind of “unity” for the sake of common goals.

The history of the Hansa can be counted from the foundation in 1158 (or, according to other sources, in 1143) of the Baltic city Lübeck. Subsequently, it was he who would become the capital of the union and a symbol of the power of German merchants. Before the founding of the city, these lands were for three centuries the zone of influence of Norman pirates, who controlled the entire coast of this part of Europe. For a long time, light undecked Scandinavian boats, the designs of which German merchants adopted and adapted for transporting goods, reminded of their former strength. Their capacity was small, but maneuverability and speed were quite suitable for merchant seafarers until the 14th century, when they were replaced by heavier, multi-deck ships capable of transporting much more goods.

The Union of Hanseatic merchants did not take shape right away. This was preceded by many decades of understanding the need to combine their efforts for the common good. The Hanseatic League was the first trade and economic association in European history. By the time of its formation, there were over three thousand shopping centers on the coast of the northern seas. The weak merchant guilds of each city could not single-handedly create the conditions for safe trade. In a fragmented country torn apart by internecine wars Germany, where the princes did not hesitate to engage in ordinary robbery and robbery to replenish their treasury, the position of the merchant was unenviable. In the city itself he was free and respected. His interests were protected by the local merchant guild, here he could always find support from his fellow countrymen. But, having gone beyond the city’s defensive ditch, the merchant was left alone with many difficulties that he encountered along the way.

Even having arrived at his destination, the merchant still took great risks. Each medieval city had its own laws and strictly regulated trade rules. Violation of sometimes one, even insignificant, point could threaten serious losses. The scrupulousness of local legislators reached the point of absurdity. They established how wide the cloth should be or how deep the clay pots should be, at what time trading could begin and when it should end. The merchant guilds were jealous of their competitors and even set up ambushes on the approaches to the fair, destroying their goods.

With the development of cities, the growth of their independence and power, the development of crafts and the introduction of industrial methods of production, the problem of sales became more and more urgent. Therefore, merchants increasingly resorted to concluding personal agreements among themselves on mutual support in foreign lands. True, in most cases they were temporary. Cities often quarreled, ruined each other, burned, but the spirit of enterprise and freedom never left their inhabitants.

External factors also played an important role in the unification of cities into the Hansa. On the one hand, the seas were full of pirates, and it was almost impossible to resist them alone. On the other hand, Lübeck, as an emerging center of “comradery,” had major competitors in the form of Cologne, Munster and other German cities. Thus, the English market was practically occupied by Cologne merchants. With the permission of Henry III, they founded their own office in London in 1226. The Lübeck merchants did not remain in debt. The following year, Lübeck seeks German Emperor the privilege to be called imperial, which means it became the owner of the status of a free city, which allowed it to independently conduct its trade affairs. Gradually it became the main transshipment port on the Baltic. Not a single ship traveling from the Baltic Sea to the North Sea could pass its harbor. Lübeck's influence increased even more after local merchants took control of the Luneburg salt mines located near the city. Salt in those days was considered almost a strategic commodity, the monopoly of which allowed entire principalities to dictate their will.

He took the side of Lübeck in the confrontation with Cologne Hamburg, but it took many years before, in 1241, these cities concluded an agreement among themselves to protect their trade. The first article of the agreement, signed in the Lübeck town hall, read: “If robbers and other evil people rise up against our or their townspeople... then we, on the same basis, must participate in the costs and expenses for the destruction and eradication of these robbers.” The main thing is trade, without obstacles and restrictions. Each city was obliged to protect the sea from pirates “to the best of its ability, so as to carry out its trade.” 15 years later they were joined Luneburg And Rostock.

By 1267, Lubeck had already accumulated enough strength and resources to openly declare its claims to part of the English market. In the same year, using all its influence at the royal court, Hansa opened a trade mission in London. From then on, merchants from Scandinavia began to resist in the vastness of the North Sea. powerful force. Over the years it will grow stronger and increase a thousandfold. The Hanseatic League will not only determine the rules of trade, but often also actively influence the balance of political forces in the border countries from the North to the Baltic Seas. He collected power bit by bit - sometimes amicably, concluding trade agreements with the monarchs of neighboring states, but sometimes through violent actions. Even such a large city by the standards of the Middle Ages as Cologne, which was a monopolist in German-English trade, was forced to surrender and sign an agreement to join the Hansa. In 1293, 24 cities formalized their membership in the partnership.

UNION OF HANSEA MERCHANTS

Lübeck merchants could celebrate their complete victory. A clear confirmation of their strength was the agreement signed in 1299, in which representatives Rostock, Hamburg, Wismar, Luneburg And Stralsund decided that “from now on they will not serve the sailing ship of a merchant who is not a member of the Hansa.” This was a kind of ultimatum to those who had not yet joined the union, but at the same time a call for cooperation.

From the beginning of the 14th century, the Hansa became a collective monopolist of trade in northern Europe. The mere mention by any merchant of his involvement in it served as the best recommendation for new partners. By 1367, the number of cities participating in the Hanseatic League had increased to eighty. Besides London its sales offices were in Bergen And Bruges, Pskov And Venice, Novgorod And Stockholm. German merchants were the only foreign traders who had their own trading compound in Venice and for whom the northern Italian cities recognized the right of free navigation in the Mediterranean Sea.

The offices that the Hansa maintained were fortified points common to all Hanseatic merchants. In a foreign land they were protected by privileges from local princes or municipalities. As guests of such trading posts, all Germans were subject to strict discipline. The Hansa very seriously and jealously guarded its possessions. In almost every city where the merchants of the union traded, and even more so in the border administrative centers that were not part of it, a system of espionage was developed. Any action by competitors directed against them became known almost immediately.

Sometimes these trading posts dictated their will to entire states. As soon as the rights of the union were infringed in any way in Bergen, Norway, restrictions on the supply of wheat to this country immediately came into force, and the authorities had no choice but to back down. Even in the west, where the Hansa dealt with stronger partners, it managed to wrest significant privileges for itself. For example, in London the “German Court” owned its own piers and warehouses and was exempt from most taxes and fees. They even had their own judges, and the fact that the Hanseatic people were assigned to guard one of the city’s gates speaks not only of their influence on the English crown, but also of the undoubted respect they enjoyed in the British Isles.

It was at this time that the Hanseatic merchants began to organize their famous fairs. They took place in Dublin and Oslo, Frankfurt and Poznan, Plymouth and Prague, Amsterdam and Narva, Warsaw and Vitebsk. Dozens of European cities were eagerly awaiting their opening. Sometimes this was the only opportunity for local residents to buy whatever they wanted. Here, things were purchased for which families, denying themselves the necessities, saved money for many months. The shopping arcades were bursting with an abundance of oriental luxury, refined and exotic household items. There, Flemish linen met English wool, Aquitanian leather with Russian honey, Cypriot copper with Lithuanian amber, Icelandic herring with French cheese, and Venetian glass with Baghdad blades.

The merchants understood perfectly well that the timber, wax, furs, rye, and timber of Eastern and Northern Europe had value only if they were re-exported to the west and south of the continent. In the opposite direction there was salt, cloth, and wine. This system, simple and strong, however, encountered many difficulties. It was these difficulties that had to be overcome that fused together the collection of Hanseatic cities.

The strength of the union has been tested many times. After all, there was a certain fragility in him. The cities - and their number in their heyday reached 170 - were far from each other, and rare meetings of their delegates to general ganzatags (diets) could not resolve all the contradictions that periodically arose between them. Behind the Hansa stood neither the state nor the church, only the population of the cities, jealous of their prerogatives and proud of them.

Strength stemmed from a community of interests, from the need to play the same economic game, from belonging to a common “civilization” involved in trade in one of the most populous maritime spaces in Europe. An important element of unity was a common language, based on Low German, enriched with Latin, Polish, Italian and even in Ukrainian words. Merchant families that turned into clans could be found in Reval, Gdansk, and Bruges. All these ties gave rise to cohesion, solidarity, common habits and common pride, common restrictions for all.

In the rich cities of the Mediterranean, each could play his own game and fight fiercely with his fellows for influence on the sea routes and the provision of exclusive privileges in trade with other countries. In the Baltic and North Sea this was much more difficult to do. Revenues from heavy, high-volume, low-priced cargo remained modest, while costs and risks were unprecedentedly high. Unlike the large trading centers of southern Europe, such as Venice or Genoa, northern merchants had a profit margin of 5% at best. In these parts, more than anywhere else, it was necessary to clearly calculate everything, save, and foresee.

BEGINNING OF SUNSET

The apogee of Lübeck and its associated cities came at a rather late time - between 1370 and 1388. In 1370 the Hanse overpowered the king of Denmark and occupied the fortresses on the Danish straits, and in 1388, in a dispute with Bruges, after an effective blockade, she forced that wealthy city and the Dutch government to capitulate. However, even then there were the first signs of a decline in the economic and political power of the union. As several decades pass, they will become more obvious. In the second half of the 14th century, a severe economic crisis erupted in Europe after a plague epidemic swept across the continent. It entered the annals of history as the Black Pestilence. True, despite the demographic decline, the demand for goods from the Baltic Sea basin in Europe has not decreased, and in the Netherlands, which was not severely affected by the pestilence, even increased. But it was the price movement that played a cruel joke on the Hansa.

After 1370, grain prices began to gradually fall, and then, starting in 1400, the demand for furs also went down sharply. At the same time, the need for industrial products, in which the Hanseatic people practically did not specialize, increased significantly. In modern terms, the basis of the business was raw materials and semi-finished products. To this we can add the beginning of the decline of the distant, but so necessary for the Hanseatic economy, gold and silver mines in the Czech Republic and Hungary. And finally, the main reason for the beginning of the decline of the Hansa was the changed state and political conditions in Europe. In the zone of trade and economic interests of the Hansa, territorial national states begin to revive: Denmark, England, the Netherlands, Poland, and the Moscow State. Having strong support from those in power, the merchants of these countries began to press out the Hansa throughout the North and Baltic seas.

True, the attacks did not go unpunished. Some cities of the Hanseatic League stubbornly defended themselves, as did Lubeck, which gained the upper hand over England in 1470-1474. But these were rather isolated cases; most other cities of the union preferred to come to an agreement with new traders, re-divide spheres of influence and develop new rules of interaction. The Union was forced to adapt.

The Hansa received its first defeat from the Moscow state, which was gaining strength. Its connections with Novgorod merchants spanned more than three centuries: the first trade agreements between them date back to the 12th century. Over such a long period of time, Veliky Novgorod became a kind of outpost of the Hansa not only in the northeast of Europe, but also on the lands of the Slavic peoples. The policy of Ivan III, who sought to unite the fragmented Russian principalities, sooner or later had to come into conflict with the independent position of Novgorod. In this confrontation, the Hanseatic merchants took an outwardly wait-and-see position, but secretly actively helped the Novgorod opposition in the fight against Moscow. Here the Hansa put its own interests, primarily trade ones, at the forefront. It was much easier to obtain privileges from the Novgorod boyars than from the powerful Moscow state, which no longer wanted to have trade intermediaries and lose profits when exporting goods to the West.

With the loss of independence of the Novgorod Republic in 1478, Ivan III liquidated the Hanseatic settlement. After this, a significant part of the Karelian lands, which were in the possession of the Novgorod boyars, became part of the Russian state, along with Novgorod. Since that time, the Hanseatic League has practically lost control over exports from Russia. However, the Russians themselves were not able to take advantage of all the advantages of independent trade with the countries of northeastern Europe. In terms of the quantity and quality of ships, the Novgorod merchants could not compete with the Hansa. Therefore, export volumes decreased, and Veliky Novgorod itself lost a significant part of its income. But the Hansa was not able to compensate for the loss of the Russian market and, above all, access to strategic raw materials - timber, wax and honey.

The next strong blow she received was from England. Strengthening her sole power and helping English merchants free themselves from competitors, Queen Elizabeth I ordered the liquidation of the Hanseatic trading court "Steelyard". At the same time, all the privileges that German merchants had in this country were destroyed.

Historians attribute the decline of the Hanse to the political infantilism of Germany. The fragmented country initially played a positive role in the fate of the Hanseatic cities - simply no one stopped them from uniting. The cities, which initially rejoiced at their freedom, remained left to their own devices, but in completely different conditions, when their rivals in other countries enlisted the support of their states. An important reason for the decline was the economic lag of northeastern Europe from western Europe, which was already obvious by the 15th century. In contrast to the economic experiments of Venice and Bruges, the Hansa still vacillated between barter in kind and money. Cities rarely resorted to loans, focusing mainly on their own funds and strength, had little trust in bill payment systems and sincerely believed only in the power of the silver coin.

The conservatism of German merchants ultimately played a cruel joke on them. Having failed to adapt to new realities, the medieval “common market” gave way to associations of merchants solely on a national basis. Since 1648, the Hansa completely lost its influence on the balance of power in the field of maritime trade. The last Hansentag was hardly assembled until 1669. After a heated discussion, without resolving the accumulated contradictions, most of the delegates left Lübeck with the firm conviction of never meeting again. From now on, each city wanted to conduct its trading affairs independently. The name of the Hanseatic cities was retained only by Lübeck, Hamburg and Bremen as a reminder of the former glory of the union.

The collapse of the Hansa was objectively maturing in the depths of Germany itself. By the 15th century, it became obvious that the political fragmentation of the German lands, the arbitrariness of the princes, their feuds and betrayals became a brake on the way economic development. Individual cities and regions of the country gradually lost connections that had been established for centuries. There was practically no exchange of goods between the eastern and western lands. The northern regions of Germany, where sheep farming was mainly developed, also had little contact with the industrial southern regions, which were increasingly oriented towards the markets of the cities of Italy and Spain. The further growth of Hansa's world trade relations was hampered by the lack of a single internal national market. It gradually became obvious that the power of the union was based more on the needs of foreign rather than internal trade. This tilt finally “sank” it after neighboring countries increasingly began to develop capitalist relations and actively protect their domestic markets from competitors.

Formation and rise of the Hanseatic League

This period was generally extremely important for German navigation. In 1158, the city of Lübeck, which quickly reached a brilliant prosperity due to the increased development of trade in the Baltic Sea, founded a German trading company in Visby, on Gotland; this city was located approximately halfway between the Trave and the Neva, the Sound and the Gulf of Riga, the Vistula and Lake Mälar, and thanks to this position, as well as the fact that in those days, due to the imperfection of navigation, ships avoided long passages, they began to enter it all ships call, and thus it acquired great importance.

In the same year, merchants from Bremen landed in the Gulf of Riga, which marked the beginning of the colonization of the Baltic region, which was later lost by Germany when Germany's maritime power declined. Twenty years later, the Augustinian monk Meingard was sent there from Bremen to convert the natives to Christianity, and another twenty years later, the crusaders from Lower Germany arrived in Livonia, conquered this country and founded Riga. Thus, at the very time when the Hohenstaufens were carrying out numerous Roman campaigns with huge German armies, when Germany was fielding armies for the successive Crusades to the Holy Land, the Low German navigators began this vast undertaking and successfully brought it to an end. The formation of trading companies marked the beginning of the Hanse. The word "Hansa" is of Flemish-Gothic origin and means "partnership", i.e. "a union for a specific purpose with certain contributions." The first Hanse arose in Flanders, where in 1200 in the city of Bruges, which at that time was the first trading city of the north, a partnership of 17 cities was formed, with a certain charter, which conducted wholesale trade with England and was called the Flemish Hanse; This partnership, however, did not acquire political independence.

The first impetus for the formation of the German Hanse came from Visby, where in 1229 German merchants, who were representatives of many German trading cities, including the port cities of Lübeck, Bremen, Riga and Groningen and some inland cities, such as Münster, Dortmund, Zesta, concluded an agreement with the Smolensk prince; this was the first performance of the “society of German merchants”; the word "Hansa" came into use much later.

Thus, Visby gained an advantage over German cities, but this advantage soon passed to Lubeck, which in 1226 became a free imperial city and expelled the Danish garrison. In 1234, the city was surrounded by the Danes from sea and land and began to prepare their “coggs” for battle; These ships broke the chains that blocked the Trave River, unexpectedly attacked the blockade fleet and completely destroyed it. This was the first German naval victory, moreover, won over superior forces. This major success, by which one can judge the strength and belligerence of the Lübeck fleet, gave the city the right to take a leading place. Soon, in 1241, Lubeck concluded an alliance with Hamburg to maintain a fleet at common expense in order to maintain freedom of communication by sea, that is, to perform the functions of maritime police in German and Danish waters, with police supervision mainly referring to the Danes themselves. Thus, these two cities took on one of the main tasks of the navy.

A few years later, during the war with Denmark, the Lübeck fleet devastated the Danish coast, burned the castle in Copenhagen and destroyed Stralsund, which belonged to Denmark at that time. Subsequently, this fleet, in turn, was defeated, but, nevertheless, the peace concluded in 1254 was beneficial for Lübeck. This was the beginning of that difficult time when Germany was left without an emperor, the time of the long interregnum that came with the end of the Hohenstaufen dynasty, during which horrific tyranny reigned in Germany. Until this time, German cities, when disagreements arose with foreign states, always relied on German princes, who, however, had to pay good money for the assistance they provided; from that time on, these cities had to rely only on themselves.

The art and trust earned by the “society of German merchants” created for the Germans in all places where they carried out trade, a leading position and broad privileges: in Bruges in Flanders, in London, in Bergen in Norway, in Sweden, as well as in Russia, where At that time, a very large shopping center arose in Novgorod, connected by water communication with the Neva. It was the most Big city in Russia, which had about 400,000 inhabitants (by the end of the 19th century there were no more than 21,000). In each of these cities, the Germans had their own office, they owned large farmsteads and even entire city blocks that enjoyed special rights, and refuges with their own jurisdiction, etc. Trade relations between the east and the west and back, mainly from the Baltic Sea to Bruges and London were very extensive and gave great profits. In these offices, young German merchants lived and learned from old, experienced merchants, who here acquired skills in trading matters and worldly experience, as well as political and personal connections, which they needed in order to later become the head of a trading house or even hometown and Hansa. Large merchants and reinforcers also often came here from their homeland, who in those days often personally made larger purchases.

At this time, Lübeck, as the natural head of the union, began to conclude, without special authority, on behalf of “all the merchants of the Roman Empire,” treaties in which equal advantages were negotiated for all German cities. In contrast to the usual selfish particularism of the Germans, a broad and noble state view of the cause and awareness of the community of national interests were expressed here. In any case, this success, which the national feeling triumphed over the opposing interests of individual cities, must be explained by a long stay in foreign countries, the population of which always regarded the Germans, whatever their origin, as rivals and even enemies. For there is no better way to awaken and strengthen a person’s national feeling than to send him abroad.

At the same time, under the influence of the ever-increasing power of the robber knights and due to the complete lack of public security, the Rhine city union was formed, consisting of 70 cities located in the area from the Netherlands to Basel; it was an alliance of burghers against the reigning lawlessness caused by the need for self-defense. This union energetically set to work and broke the stubbornness of many knightly castles; however, after the election of Rudolf Habsburg to the kingdom, who took decisive measures against the robber knights, this union ceased to exist.

Regarding those negotiations that preceded a closer union of cities, which later received the name Hanseatic, no information has reached us, except that in 1260 the first general congress of representatives of the Hanse took place in Lübeck, and, however, even the year of this important event in accuracy is not known. Information concerning this union is extremely scarce. The number of cities that belonged to the Hansa is indicated very differently, and they number up to 90. Some cities within the country joined the Hansa for the associated trade benefits, but only nominally, and took almost no part in its affairs.

A peculiar feature of this community was that it did not have a permanent organization - neither central government, no common armed forces, no navy, no army, not even common finances; individual members of the union all enjoyed the same rights, and representation was entrusted to the main city of the union - Lubeck, quite voluntarily, since its burgomasters and senators were considered the most capable of conducting business, and at the same time this city assumed the associated costs for the maintenance of warships . The cities that were part of the union were removed from each other and separated by those that did not belong to the union, and often even by hostile possessions. True, these cities were for the most part free imperial cities, but, nevertheless, in their decisions they were often dependent on the rulers of the surrounding country, and these rulers, although they were German princes, were not always in favor of the Hansa and, on the contrary, they often treated her unkindly and even hostilely, of course, except in those cases when they needed her help. The independence, wealth and power of the cities, which were the focus of the religious, scientific and artistic life of the country and to which its population gravitated, stood as a thorn in the side of these princes. Therefore, they tried to harm the cities whenever possible and often did this at the slightest provocation and even without it.

Thus, the Hanseatic cities had to defend themselves not only from external enemies, since all the sea powers were their competitors and would willingly destroy them, but also against their own princes. Therefore, the position of the union was extremely difficult, and it had to conduct a smart and cautious policy in relation to all interested rulers and skillfully use all circumstances so as not to perish and not allow the union to disintegrate.

It was very difficult to keep cities, coastal and inland, scattered over the space from the Gulf of Finland to the Scheldt, and from the sea coast to central Germany, within the union, since the interests of these cities were very different, and yet the only connection between them could be precisely only common interests; the union had only one coercive means at its disposal - exclusion from it (Verhasung), which entailed the prohibition of all members of the union from having any dealings with the excluded city and should have led to the cessation of all relations with it; however, there was no police power to supervise the execution of this. Complaints and claims could only be brought to congresses of allied cities, which met from time to time, to which representatives from all cities whose interests required this were present. In any case, against port cities, exclusion from the union was a very effective means; this was the case, for example, in 1355 with Bremen, which from the very beginning showed a desire for isolation and which, due to enormous losses, was forced, three years later, to again ask to be accepted into the union.

The cities of the union were divided into three districts:

1) Eastern, Vendian region, to which Lubeck, Hamburg, Rostock, Wismar and the Pomeranian cities belonged - Stralsund, Greifswald, Anklam, Stettin, Kolberg, etc.

2) Western Frisian-Dutch region, which included Cologne and the Westphalian cities - Zest, Dortmund, Groningen, etc.

3) And finally, the third region consisted of Visby and cities located in the Baltic provinces, such as Riga and others.

From the very beginning to the end of the existence of the Hansa, Lubeck was its main city; this is proven by the fact that the local court in 1349 was declared an appellate court for all cities, including Novgorod.

The Hansa was a product of its time, and circumstances were especially favorable for it. Mention has already been made of the skill and reliability of the German merchants, and their ability to adapt to circumstances. In those days, these qualities were all the more valuable because the Normans who inhabited England and France treated trade with contempt and had no ability for it; Neither did the inhabitants of the Baltic states - the Poles, Livonians, etc. Trade on the Baltic Sea, as at the present time, was very developed and was even more extensive than at present; along the entire coast of this sea there were Hanseatic offices everywhere. To this we must add that the German coastal cities, and Lubeck at their head, perfectly understood the importance of sea power and were not afraid to spend money on the maintenance of warships.

Very little is known about the Hanseatic ships; the military “coggs” have already been mentioned above; these were the largest ships on the Baltic Sea, with a displacement of up to 800 tons, a length of 120, a width of 30 and a depth of 14 feet; they had three masts with yards and their crew consisted of 250 people, half of whom were sailors; later they were equipped with 15-20 guns, half of which were 9-12 pound guns. “Frede-koggen” was the name given to ships that carried out police service near the coast and harbor; a certain fee was levied for their maintenance. All merchant ships were armed, but in later times the Hansa also had special warships. Here are a few figures that, however, date back to a later time: the Swedish flagship, taken in battle by the Lübeck fleet, was 51.2 m long and 13.1 m wide, the armament consisted of 67 cannons, not counting hand weapons; the Lübeck flagship had a keel of 37.7 m, and its greatest length was 62 meters; there were high towers at the bow and stern, there were 75 guns from 40 to 2.5 pound caliber, the crew included 1075 people.

The leaders of the Hanse very skillfully used favorable circumstances to take into their own hands trade in the Baltic and North Seas, make it their monopoly, eliminating all other peoples and thus be able to set prices for goods at their own discretion; in addition, they tried to acquire in states where this was of interest to them, the greatest possible privileges, such as, for example, the right to freely establish colonies and carry out trade, exemption from taxes on goods, from land taxes, the right to acquire houses and courtyards, with representing to them extraterritoriality and their own jurisdiction. These efforts were mostly successful even before the founding of the union. Prudent, experienced and possessing not only commercial, but also political talents, the commercial leaders of the union were excellent at taking advantage of the weaknesses or difficult situations of neighboring states; At the same time, they did not miss the opportunity to indirectly, by supporting the enemies of this state, or even directly, through privateering or open war, to put these states in a difficult position, in order to force certain concessions from them. The significance and very existence of the Hanse was based on the fact that it became necessary for the surrounding states, partly through its mediation in the delivery of necessary goods, the rental of ships, loans of money, etc., so that these states found benefits in their relations with German coastal cities , - partly because the Hansa became a great force at sea.

The conditions of that time were such that when it came to acquiring or maintaining any advantages, both sides did not act particularly scrupulously; The Hansa resorted, first of all, to gifts and bribes, but often directly resorted to violence both on land and at sea, and often did this even without declaring war. Of course, it is impossible to justify violence, which is often accompanied by cruelty, but those who want to succeed must pursue an energetic policy.

The political situation in the Northern Kingdoms, in Russia, Germany and the Netherlands, that is, in the north, south, east and west, was so unstable in the Middle Ages that we cannot go into a more detailed presentation of it here; wars and alliances succeeded each other, privateering at sea, robberies on the coasts, sometimes in alliance with a famous state, sometimes in war with it, followed each other for a few years, as was the case, for example, between Denmark and Sweden. However, we will briefly describe some outstanding events, especially those that took place at sea.

In 1280, Lübeck and Visby took over the protection of trade in the Baltic Sea, that is, maritime police supervision; three years later, the Hansa formed an alliance with the Dukes of Mecklenburg and Pomerania to maintain peace against the Margraves of Brandenburg. When the Danish king Erik Glipping joined this alliance, the Norwegian king Erik "Pop Hater" suddenly seized German merchant ships and all property owned by the Germans on land. As a result of this, Lubeck, together with the Wenden cities and Riga, equipped a fleet that ruined Norwegian trade, devastated the coast and caused such losses to the country that the king was forced to conclude peace in Kalmar on October 31, 1285, pay the Hansa a military reward and provide it with significant trading advantages. When King Christopher II was expelled from Denmark, he turned to Lübeck for help, which was provided to him; he was sent back to Denmark and restored to the throne, for which he had to provide almost unlimited privileges to the German merchants. The same story happened with King Magnus of Norway, despite the fact that he was hostile to the Hansa.

As a result of the privileges enjoyed by the Hansa, Scandinavian and Russian trade completely disappeared from the Baltic Sea, and English trade took a secondary place - the Hansa ruled from the Neva to the Netherlands over the sea and over trade. At the same time, the Hansa took advantage of the cramped financial situation of Edward III and lent him money, with which he equipped a campaign in France, which ended in victory at Crecy. To secure the loan, Edward pledged wool duties and tin mines in Cornwall to the Hansa. In 1362, the Hansa wars began against Waldemar III, who created the greatness and power of Denmark. In the same year, the island of Gotland was occupied. Visby and the German courtyard in it were plundered, and a lot of blood was shed. Then the Hansa entered into an alliance with Sweden and Norway; at the beginning of May, the Hanseatic fleet appeared in the Sound, but the Hanseatic allies did not appear. Then the Hanseatic admiral Wittenberg alone attacked Copenhagen, took it, and then crossed over to Skonia, which at that time belonged to Denmark, and besieged Helsingborg. Here, however, he was surprised by the Danish fleet and lost 12 large "coggs"; the army had to hastily board the ships and return to Lübeck. Wittenberg was put on trial and executed.

After this, peace followed, which lasted for several years, but in November 1367, at a general meeting of the Hanseatic League held in Cologne, 77 cities, starting from Narva to Zirik-Zee, decided with all their might to wage war against Waldemar. Was equipped large fleet, who began by devastating the Norwegian coast so thoroughly in April 1368 that the king began to sue for peace; After this, the fleet headed for the Sound and in May took Copenhagen, then Helsischer and forced Waldemar to leave his country. On May 24, 1370, a peace was concluded in Stralsund, according to which, regardless of the large indemnity, the Hansa was recognized as having the right to confirm the kings of the Northern States. This was a huge success, especially because it was achieved not by the forces of a powerful state, but by the forces of a union of cities.

After this unprecedented success, the Hansa, apparently, began to neglect police supervision on the seas; sea ​​robbery spread to such an extent that the cities of Wismar and Rostock found it necessary to issue letters of marque against the ships of the three northern powers. This, however, made the matter even worse, since as a result of this, a large, strong society of “Lickendelers” was formed in these cities, which became known as the “Brothers of Vitalii” or “Vitaliers”, who gave their bandit brotherhood the loud name “friends of God and enemies of the world.” " The beginnings of the Vitalier organization are hidden in the darkness of centuries, however, given the relations that prevailed in this part of the world at the turn of the 13th-14th centuries, it is not difficult to guess the reasons for its emergence. Among the Vitalier pirates one could meet fugitives from Hanseatic, mainly Vendian, cities, from all parts of Germany, Dutch, Frisians, Danes, Swedes, Livonians, Kashubian Slavs, Pomeranians, French and probably also Poles. It was from such desperate heads that a peculiar pirate organization of Vitaliers arose on the Baltic island. In addition to the Hanseatic sailors, this “brotherhood”, which chose the island of Gotland as its location, included fugitives persecuted by the law, individuals who considered themselves offended and were looking for justice, easy money, the opportunity to take revenge on enemies, or simply greedy for adventure.

Following the long-standing traditions of Baltic pirates and Vikings, the Vitalier brothers maintained strict discipline within their organization. There were no other women among them except captives. Pirate skippers demanded unquestioning obedience from their sailors; violation of their orders was punishable death penalty. On the island of Gotland, which was under the domination of the Vitalier brotherhood, the main headquarters of the pirates was located; Here the loot was stored, here it was divided among the pirates who distinguished themselves during the expeditions, and the base of the entire pirate flotilla was located there. The local population of the island was sometimes forced to pay tribute, but the amount of the latter was relatively moderate, since the Vitaliers obtained all the basic necessities and wealth by robbing ships at sea and attacking coastal settlements. However, the Vitaliers, like all pirates of that time, were also merchants. They traded in looted goods, sometimes selling them even where their rightful owners were supposed to deliver the goods.

The activities of the Vitaliers took on the widest scope in the years when the talented leader Klaus Störtebecker was at the head of the pirate brotherhood. Together with his assistant Godecke Michels, he joined two other sea robbers - Moltke and Manteuffel. Störtebecker himself came from a plebeian family in Rostock. He began his merchant and maritime career in his youth, working in the warehouses of herring merchants in Scania, on ships plying between Reval and Bruges, and finally for large merchants in his native Rostock. Offended by his patron, unable to bear the inhumane treatment, he, like many others in those days, organized at the end of the 14th century. a riot on the ship on which he served, threw the skipper overboard and, taking command into his own hands, went to sea, wanting to take revenge for the insults inflicted on him. For organizing a riot and withdrawing the ship, Störtebecker was outlawed. The pursuit of the newly-minted pirate was entrusted to the noble townsman Wulflam from Stralsund, who, back in 1385, was entrusted with the task of combating maritime robbery by the Hanseatic League.

However, Störtebecker, distinguished by his remarkable seafaring and military abilities, was not only not caught by the Hanseatic tugs, but soon began to thoroughly annoy the merchant ships. He was especially cruel and merciless with the representatives of the ruling patriciate of the Vendian cities he caught, with whom he had personal scores.

But Störtebecker went down in history not because of his pirate outrages, but because he became involved in political activities. An opportunity for this presented itself in 1389, when a fierce struggle for the throne broke out in Sweden. King Albrecht, who ruled there, was not popular among the Swedish feudal lords in Germany, and was captured by Queen Margaret of Denmark and Norway. In this war, only the garrison of Stockholm remained loyal to the king, resisting the Danes. The population of Stockholm at that time consisted mostly of Germans, and in contrast to Margaret, Albrecht supported German merchants in Sweden. If the Danes captured Stockholm, the privileges of German merchants would be abolished, which, in turn, would upset the balance of power in the Baltic and hit the Hansa. The defenders of Stockholm, who had difficulty holding back the superior enemy forces, sent desperate letters to the Hansa with pleas for help.

In this situation, Lubeck turned to... the Gotlandic pirates. Störtebecker agreed to provide assistance to the Stockholm Germans and the Hanseatic League. With his flotilla, he began military operations against the Danes. Having only small and light ships, Störtebecker could not resist the heavy and well-armed Danish warships in open battle and decided to help the besieged in another way.

The assault on the city did not yield results, and the Danes moved on to a siege, trying to force the defenders to surrender by starvation. Having cut off the food supply routes from land and sea, they were already close to their goal. It became clear that only quick and decisive action could save the besieged.

One day at dawn, two groups of pirate ships suddenly appeared near Stockholm. While the first of them boldly attacked the cordon of Danish ships, the second, taking advantage of the confusion caused by the unexpected attack, slipped right next to the Danes and entered the port of Stockholm. The pirates repeated this maneuver several times and almost always with success, each time delivering food to the city’s defenders. Hence the Gotlandic pirates received the nickname Vitaliers (“breadwinners”) and went down in history under this name.

The heroic actions of the Vitaliers, their plebeian origin, the motto proclaiming social justice under which they fought - all this gained the brotherhood sympathy and popularity among the common people of the Hanseatic cities. The best proof of this is the result of the pirate attack on Wismar. In an effort to free several captured comrades and provide themselves with supplies for the winter, Störtebecker and Godecke Michels decided on what seemed like a desperate step by attacking the port of Wismar.

While the city council, taken by surprise, managed to call on other Hanseatic cities for help and mobilize the fleet subordinate to them, the victorious army of the Vitaliers had already sailed far out to sea. They were able to carry out this desperate plan only because the common people of Wismar, who were hostile to the city patriciate, assisted the legendary heroes of Stockholm in this operation. The help of the common people played a similar role when the Vitaliers captured Bergen in 1392, the then trading center of Norway. Pirates captured the local Hanseatic office and burned the city. During this operation, they captured many noble citizens of Bergen, demanding a huge ransom for their release.

At the turn of the XIV and XV centuries. The political position of the Vitaliers became rather ambiguous. On the one hand, they actively opposed the prevailing social system, fighting the ruling circles in the Hanseatic cities - the patriciate and city councils, and on the other hand, they repeatedly, as was the case in Stockholm, entered the service of this or that city, speaking out against its enemy, and often against another Hanseatic city that competed with it. Thus, the Vitaliers often acted as paid condottieri, serving in the service of the very patriciate, which they considered their main enemy.

This situation, paradoxical at first glance, was reflected, in particular, in the text of some Hanseatic acts and regulations. It often happened that the Hanseatic Congress decided to carry out some kind of armed operation in which pirates were to be used more or less openly on the side of the Hanse. At the same time, at the same congress, another decision was made aimed at eradicating piracy in the Baltic, and in particular, the destruction of the Vitaliers. For the Hanseatic merchants, who sometimes themselves did not disdain robbery, oriented their policy towards large-scale international trade, and therefore sought to ensure that, if possible, it did not encounter obstacles.

Despite the decisions taken by the Hansa to mercilessly exterminate the Vitaliers, the activities of the pirates expanded. Over time, things got to the point that not a single ship could pass through the Danish straits and make its way from the Baltic to the North Sea or back without paying a ransom to the Vitaliers. After the burning of Bergen, pirates began to rob even fishermen catching herring in the North Sea. As a result, not only trade navigation stopped there, but also fishing.

This situation began to threaten the existence of states located in the basins of the North and Baltic seas. Then the latter decided to join forces in order to put an end to maritime robbery in the common interests. However, the first expedition against pirates, organized by the Danish Queen Margaret and the English King Richard II, failed.

The Hansa also began to be burdened by pirates. The trade losses that the Hanseatic cities suffered from sea robbery were not compensated for by the services provided by the pirates. The second expedition, this time organized by the Hanseatic cities in 1394, with the participation of thirty-five warships and three thousand knights, also did not produce the desired results.

Over time, the balance of forces in the political arena in the Baltics began to change in a direction that was very unfavorable for the Vitaliers. Unable to cope with piracy on her own, Queen Margaret turned to the Grand Master of the Crusader Order, Conrad von Jungingen, for help. At that time, this order was at the height of its power and had an excellent army and a strong navy.

When the crusaders marched on Gotland in 1398, the Vitaliers were unable to resist them. Having boarded ships, they left the Baltic forever. Expelled from their robber nest, they took refuge in the North Sea, where they captured the island of Heligoland and fortified it. However, there, at the mouth of the Elbe, they found themselves face to face with their main enemy, the Hansa. This time it was no longer just the cities of the Vendian quarter, but two powerful ports - Hamburg and Bremen, which, moreover, were not going to use the services of pirates. Both of these shopping center they didn’t want to put up with the presence of pirates almost on their doorstep.

In 1401, a large trading ship left the mouth of the Elbe, looking as if it was filled to the brim with valuable goods. The ship headed towards the North Sea, heading straight for Heligoland. The lurking pirates attacked the easy and seemingly defenseless prey, but they cruelly miscalculated. It was a warship - a decoy ship disguised as a merchant ship. His large and well-armed crew began to fight the pirates. The Vitaliers were so absorbed in the battle that they did not notice how the Hamburg flotilla approached.

None of the pirate ships involved in the battle escaped unscathed; One hundred and fifty prisoners were captured, and the Vitalier nest on Heligoland was captured and destroyed. Störtebecker and Michels, who were also captured, were publicly beheaded in one of the squares in Hamburg. All other prisoners, according to medieval custom, were branded with a hot iron and imprisoned or sentenced to hard labor.

As legend has it, the masts of Störtebecker's ship were hollowed out and an alloy of pure gold was poured inside. The wealth captured on the pirate ships and at their base in Heligoland was enough not only to fully cover the costs of the expedition and compensate the Hanseatic merchants for a significant part of the losses they suffered, but also to decorate the towers of the Church of St. Nicholas in Hamburg with a golden crown.

The undead remnants of the Heligoland Vitaliers scattered throughout Germany, stubbornly pursued by the feudal lords and city authorities. However, this brotherhood finally ceased to exist only after it was defeated by Simon of Utrecht in 1432, fighting on the side of the Frisians against the Hansa, and with the conquest of Emden in 1433.

It is necessary to mention some other German naval heroes: the famous Bockelman from Danzig with six ships in 1455 defeated 16 Danish ones, which he attacked one after another, destroying 6 and capturing 6 as prizes; it was a glorious feat that justified the distinctive sign that Bockelman kept on the bow of his mainmast - a broom, which meant that he was sweeping enemies out of the Baltic Sea. In this battle he showed great tactical ability.

Next we need to name Paul Benecke from Danzig, who in 1437 captured English ships from the Vistula, and then, already in English service, fought with great success against Burgundy. His ships "Peter von Danzig" and "Mariendrache" inspired fear in all sailors. One of his many trophies is Hans Memling's famous painting in the altar of St. Mary's Church in Danzig, depicting the Last Judgment.

Material from Wikipedia - the free encyclopedia

Hanseatic League, Hanseatic League, Also Hanseatica(German) Deutsche Hanse or Dudesche Hanse , ancient-German Hansa - literally "group", "union", lat. Hansa Teutonica) - a political and economic union that united almost 300 trading cities of northwestern Europe from the middle of the 12th century to mid-17th century centuries. The date of the origin of the Hanseatic Empire cannot be precisely determined because it is not based on a specific document. The Hanseatic League developed gradually as trade expanded along the shores of the Baltic and North Seas.

The reason for the formation of the Hanseatic League was the growth of the population of the territories north of the Elbe as a result of migration, the emergence of new cities and independent communes and, as a result, an increase in the need for goods and an increase in trade.

The Hanseatic League began to take shape in the 12th century as a union of merchants, then as a union of merchant guilds, and by the end of the 13th century as a union of cities.

The Hanseatic League included cities with autonomous city ​​government(“city council”, town hall) and their own laws.

To develop general rules and laws for the Hanseatic League, representatives of cities regularly met at congresses in Lübeck. Hanseatic merchants and companies enjoyed certain rights and privileges.

In non-Hansean cities there were representative offices of the Hanseatic League. Such foreign Hanseatic offices were located in Bergen, London and Bruges. At the easternmost end of the Hanseatic trading system, an office was founded in Novgorod (Peterhof), where European goods (wine, textiles) were sold and hemp, wax, honey, timber, hides and furs were purchased. In 1494, by order of Grand Duke Ivan III, this office was abolished, all its buildings (including the stone church of St. Apostle Peter) were completely destroyed.

Story

Increased trade, raids and piracy in the Baltic had happened before (see Vikings) - for example, sailors from the island of Gotland entered rivers and ascended as far as Novgorod - but the scale of international economic relations in the Baltic Sea remained insignificant until the rise of the Hansa.

German cities quickly achieved a dominant position in Baltic Sea trade over the next century, and Lübeck became the center of all maritime trade that linked the countries around the Baltic and North Seas.

Base

Before the Hansa, the main center of trade in the Baltic was Visby. For 100 years, German ships sailed to Novgorod under the Gotlandic flag. Merchants from Visby established an office in Novgorod. The cities of Danzig (Gdańsk), Elblag, Torun, Revel, Riga and Dorpat lived under Lübeck law. For local residents and trade visitors, this meant that matters of their legal protection fell under the jurisdiction of Lübeck as the final court of appeal. The Hanseatic communities worked to obtain special trading privileges for their members. For example, merchants from the Hanse of Cologne were able to convince King Henry II of England to grant them (in 1157) special trading privileges and market rights, which freed them from all London duties and allowed them to trade at fairs throughout England. Lübeck, the "Queen of the Hanse", where merchants transshipped goods between the North and Baltic seas, received the status of an Imperial Free City in 1227, the only city with such status east of the Elbe.

Lübeck, with access to fishing grounds in the Baltic and North Seas, formed an alliance with Hamburg in 1242, with its access to the salt trade routes from Lüneburg. The allied cities gained control of much of the salted fish trade, especially at the Skåne fair; by decision of the congress of 1261, Cologne joined them. In 1266, the English king Henry III granted the Hanse of Lübeck and Hamburg the right to trade in England, and in 1282 they were joined by the Hanse of Cologne, forming the most powerful Hanseatic colony in London. The reasons for this cooperation were the feudal fragmentation in the then Germany and the inability of the authorities to ensure the security of trade. Over the next 50 years, the Hansa itself established written relations of confederation and cooperation on eastern and western trade routes. In 1356, a general congress took place in Lübeck (German). Hansetag), at which the founding documents were adopted and the management structure of the Hansa was formed.

The strengthening of the Hanse was facilitated by the adoption in 1299 of an agreement, according to which representatives of the port cities of the union - Rostock, Hamburg, Wismar, Luneburg and Stralsund - decided that “from now on they will not serve the sailing ship of a merchant who is not a member of the Hanse.” This stimulated the influx of new Hansa members, whose number increased to 80 by 1367.

Extension

Lübeck's location on the Baltic provided access to trade with Russia and Scandinavia, creating direct competition with the Scandinavians, who had previously controlled most of the Baltic trade routes. An agreement with the Hansa of the city of Visby put an end to competition: according to this agreement, Lübeck merchants also received access to internal Russian port Novgorod (the center of the Novgorod Republic), where they built a trading post or office .

The Hansa was an organization with decentralized governance. Congresses of the Hanseatic Cities ( Hansetag) met from time to time in Lübeck starting in 1356, but many cities refused to send representatives and the decisions of the Congresses did not bind individual cities to anything. Over time, the network of cities grew to mutable list from 70 to 170 cities.

The union managed to establish additional offices in Bruges (in Flanders, now in Belgium), in Bergen (Norway) and in London (England). These trading posts became significant enclaves. The London office, founded in 1320, stood west of London Bridge near Upper Thames Street. It grew considerably, becoming over time a walled community with its own warehouses, scale house, church, offices and residences, reflecting the importance and scale of the activities involved. This trading post was called Steel Yard(English) Steelyard, German der Stahlhof), the first mention under this name was in 1422.

Cities that were members of the Hansa

More than 200 cities were members of the Hansa at different times

Cities that traded with the Hansa

The largest offices were located in Bruges, Bergen, London and Novgorod.

Every year in one of the cities of the New Hanse the international festival “Hansean Days of the New Age” is held.

Currently, the German cities of Bremen, Hamburg, Lübeck, Greifswald, Rostock, Stralsund, Wismar, Anklam, Demmin, Salzwedel retain the title " Hanseatic..."(for example, Hamburg is fully called: "The Free and Hanseatic City of Hamburg" - German. Freie und Hansestadt Hamburg, Bremen - “the Hanseatic city of Bremen - German. Hansestadt Bremen" etc.). Accordingly, state license plates in these cities begin with “additional” Latin letter H… - HB(i.e. "Hansestadt Bremen"), HH("Hansestadt Hamburg"), H.L.(Lubeck), H.G.W.(Greifswald), HRO(Rostock), HST(Stralsund), HWI(Wismar).

see also

Bibliography

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• Hansa / Khoroshkevich A. L. // Great Soviet Encyclopedia: [in 30 volumes] / ch. ed. A. M. Prokhorov. - 3rd ed. - M. : Soviet encyclopedia, 1969-1978.
• Deutsche Welle dossier
• Subsection in the Annales library.
• Forsten G.V.// Encyclopedic Dictionary of Brockhaus and Efron: in 86 volumes (82 volumes and 4 additional). - St. Petersburg. , 1890-1907.

Hansa Wendish and Pomeranian district Saxony, Thuringia, Brandenburg Poland, Prussia, Livonia, Sweden Rhine, Westphalia, Netherlands Basic offices Minor offices

Ancient world Middle Ages New time Hypothetical

Excerpt characterizing Hansa

“The Count has not left, he is here, and there will be orders about you,” said the police chief. - Let's go! - he said to the coachman. The crowd stopped, crowding around those who had heard what the authorities said, and looking at the droshky driving away.
At that time, the police chief looked around in fear and said something to the coachman, and his horses went faster.
- Cheating, guys! Lead to it yourself! - shouted the voice of a tall guy. - Don't let me go, guys! Let him submit the report! Hold it! - voices shouted, and people ran after the droshky.
The crowd behind the police chief, talking noisily, headed to the Lubyanka.
- Well, the gentlemen and the merchants have left, and that’s why we are lost? Well, we are dogs, or what! – was heard more often in the crowd.

On the evening of September 1, after his meeting with Kutuzov, Count Rastopchin, upset and offended by the fact that he was not invited to the military council, that Kutuzov did not pay any attention to his proposal to take part in the defense of the capital, and surprised by the new look that opened up to him in the camp , in which the question of the calm of the capital and its patriotic mood turned out to be not only secondary, but completely unnecessary and insignificant - upset, offended and surprised by all this, Count Rostopchin returned to Moscow. After dinner, the count, without undressing, lay down on the sofa and at one o'clock was awakened by a courier who brought him a letter from Kutuzov. The letter said that since the troops were retreating to the Ryazan road outside Moscow, would the count like to send police officials to lead the troops through the city. This news was not news to Rostopchin. Not only from yesterday’s meeting with Kutuzov on Poklonnaya Hill, but also from the Battle of Borodino itself, when all the generals who came to Moscow unanimously said that another battle could not be fought, and when, with the count’s permission, every night government property and residents were already removing up to half let's leave - Count Rastopchin knew that Moscow would be abandoned; but nevertheless, this news, communicated in the form of a simple note with an order from Kutuzov and received at night, during his first sleep, surprised and irritated the count.
Subsequently, explaining his activities during this time, Count Rastopchin wrote several times in his notes that he then had two important goals: De maintenir la tranquillite a Moscow et d "en faire partir les habitants. [Keep calm in Moscow and escort out her inhabitants.] If we assume this double goal, every action of Rostopchin turns out to be impeccable. Why were the Moscow shrine, weapons, cartridges, gunpowder, grain supplies not taken out, why were thousands of residents deceived by the fact that Moscow would not be surrendered, and ruined? - For this ", in order to maintain calm in the capital, Count Rostopchin's explanation answers. Why were piles of unnecessary papers removed from public places and Leppich's ball and other objects? - In order to leave the city empty, Count Rostopchin's explanation answers. One has only to assume that something threatened national tranquility, and every action becomes justified.
All the horrors of terror were based only on concern for public peace.
What was Count Rastopchin’s fear of public peace in Moscow based on in 1812? What reason was there for supposing there was a tendency towards indignation in the city? Residents left, troops, retreating, filled Moscow. Why should the people rebel as a result of this?
Not only in Moscow, but throughout Russia, upon the entry of the enemy, nothing resembling indignation occurred. On September 1st and 2nd, more than ten thousand people remained in Moscow, and, apart from the crowd that had gathered in the courtyard of the commander-in-chief and attracted by him, there was nothing. Obviously, it was even less necessary to expect unrest among the people if after the Battle of Borodino, when the abandonment of Moscow became obvious, or, at least, probably, if then, instead of agitating the people with the distribution of weapons and posters, Rostopchin took measures to the removal of all sacred objects, gunpowder, charges and money, and would directly announce to the people that the city was being abandoned.
Rastopchin, an ardent, sanguine man who always moved in the highest circles of the administration, although with a patriotic feeling, did not have the slightest idea about the people he thought of governing. From the very beginning of the enemy’s entry into Smolensk, Rostopchin envisioned for himself the role of leader of the people’s feelings—the heart of Russia. It not only seemed to him (as it seems to every administrator) that he controlled the external actions of the inhabitants of Moscow, but it seemed to him that he controlled their mood through his proclamations and posters, written in that ironic language that the people in their midst despise and which they do not understands when he hears it from above. Rostopchin liked the beautiful role of the leader of popular feeling so much, he got used to it so much that the need to get out of this role, the need to leave Moscow without any heroic effect, took him by surprise, and he suddenly lost from under his feet the ground on which he stood, he absolutely did not know what should he do? Although he knew, he did not believe with all his soul in leaving Moscow until the last minute and did nothing for this purpose. Residents moved out against his wishes. If public places were removed, it was only at the request of officials, with whom the count reluctantly agreed. He himself was occupied only with the role that he made for himself. As often happens with people gifted with an ardent imagination, he knew for a long time that Moscow would be abandoned, but he knew only by reasoning, but with all his soul he did not believe in it, and was not transported by his imagination to this new situation.
All his activities, diligent and energetic (how useful it was and reflected on the people is another question), all his activities were aimed only at arousing in the residents the feeling that he himself experienced - patriotic hatred of the French and confidence in itself.
But when the event took on its real, historical dimensions, when it turned out to be insufficient to express one’s hatred of the French in words alone, when it was impossible even to express this hatred through battle, when self-confidence turned out to be useless in relation to one issue of Moscow, when the entire population, like one person, , abandoning their property, flowed out of Moscow, showing with this negative action the full strength of their national feeling - then the role chosen by Rostopchin suddenly turned out to be meaningless. He suddenly felt lonely, weak and ridiculous, without any ground under his feet.
Having received, awakened from sleep, a cold and commanding note from Kutuzov, Rastopchin felt the more irritated, the more guilty he felt. In Moscow there remained everything that had been entrusted to him, everything that was government property that he was supposed to take out. It was not possible to take everything out.
“Who is to blame for this, who allowed this to happen? - he thought. - Of course, not me. I had everything ready, I held Moscow like this! And this is what they have brought it to! Scoundrels, traitors! - he thought, not clearly defining who these scoundrels and traitors were, but feeling the need to hate these traitors who were to blame for the false and ridiculous situation in which he found himself.
All that night Count Rastopchin gave orders, for which people came to him from all sides of Moscow. Those close to him had never seen the count so gloomy and irritated.
“Your Excellency, they came from the patrimonial department, from the director for orders... From the consistory, from the Senate, from the university, from the orphanage, the vicar sent... asks... What do you order about the fire brigade? The warden from the prison... the warden from the yellow house..." - they reported to the count all night, without stopping.
To all these questions the count gave short and angry answers, showing that his orders were no longer needed, that all the work he had carefully prepared had now been ruined by someone, and that this someone would bear full responsibility for everything that would happen now.
“Well, tell this idiot,” he answered a request from the patrimonial department, “so that he remains guarding his papers.” Why are you asking nonsense about the fire brigade? If there are horses, let them go to Vladimir. Don't leave it to the French.
- Your Excellency, the warden from the insane asylum has arrived, as you order?
- How will I order? Let everyone go, that’s all... And let the crazy people out in the city. When our armies are commanded by crazy people, that’s what God ordered.
When asked about the convicts who were sitting in the pit, the count angrily shouted at the caretaker:
- Well, should I give you two battalions of a convoy that doesn’t exist? Let them in, and that’s it!
– Your Excellency, there are political ones: Meshkov, Vereshchagin.
- Vereshchagin! Is he not hanged yet? - shouted Rastopchin. - Bring him to me.

By nine o'clock in the morning, when the troops had already moved through Moscow, no one else came to ask the count's orders. Everyone who could go did so of their own accord; those who remained decided with themselves what they had to do.
The count ordered the horses to be brought in to go to Sokolniki, and, frowning, yellow and silent, with folded hands, he sat in his office.
In calm, not stormy times, it seems to every administrator that it is only through his efforts that the entire population under his control moves, and in this consciousness of his necessity, every administrator feels the main reward for his labors and efforts. It is clear that as long as the historical sea is calm, the ruler-administrator, with his fragile boat resting his pole against the ship of the people and himself moving, must seem to him that through his efforts the ship he is resting against is moving. But as soon as a storm arises, the sea becomes agitated and the ship itself moves, then delusion is impossible. The ship moves with its enormous, independent speed, the pole does not reach the moving ship, and the ruler suddenly goes from the position of a ruler, a source of strength, into an insignificant, useless and weak person.
Rastopchin felt this, and it irritated him. The police chief, who was stopped by the crowd, together with the adjutant, who came to report that the horses were ready, entered the count. Both were pale, and the police chief, reporting the execution of his assignment, said that in the count’s courtyard there was a huge crowd of people who wanted to see him.
Rastopchin, without answering a word, stood up and quickly walked into his luxurious, bright living room, walked up to the balcony door, grabbed the handle, left it and moved to the window, from which the whole crowd could be seen more clearly. A tall fellow stood in the front rows and with a stern face, waving his hand, said something. The bloody blacksmith stood next to him with a gloomy look. The hum of voices could be heard through the closed windows.
- Is the crew ready? - said Rastopchin, moving away from the window.
“Ready, your Excellency,” said the adjutant.
Rastopchin again approached the balcony door.
- What do they want? – he asked the police chief.
- Your Excellency, they say that they were going to go against the French on your orders, they shouted something about treason. But a violent crowd, your Excellency. I left by force. Your Excellency, I dare to suggest...
“If you please, go, I know what to do without you,” Rostopchin shouted angrily. He stood at the balcony door, looking out at the crowd. “This is what they did to Russia! This is what they did to me!” - thought Rostopchin, feeling an uncontrollable anger rising in his soul against someone who could be attributed to the cause of everything that happened. As often happens with hot-tempered people, anger was already possessing him, but he was looking for another subject for it. “La voila la populace, la lie du peuple,” he thought, looking at the crowd, “la plebe qu"ils ont soulevee par leur sottise. Il leur faut une victime, [“Here he is, people, these scum of the population, the plebeians, whom they raised with their stupidity! They need a victim."] - it occurred to him, looking at the tall fellow waving his hand. And for the same reason it came to his mind that he himself needed this victim, this object for his anger.
- Is the crew ready? – he asked another time.
- Ready, Your Excellency. What do you order about Vereshchagin? “He’s waiting at the porch,” answered the adjutant.
- A! - Rostopchin cried out, as if struck by some unexpected memory.
And, quickly opening the door, he stepped out onto the balcony with decisive steps. The conversation suddenly stopped, hats and caps were taken off, and all eyes rose to the count who had come out.
- Hello guys! - the count said quickly and loudly. - Thank you for coming. I’ll come out to you now, but first of all we need to deal with the villain. We need to punish the villain who killed Moscow. Wait for me! “And the count just as quickly returned to his chambers, slamming the door firmly.
A murmur of pleasure ran through the crowd. “That means he will control all the villains! And you say French... he’ll give you the whole distance!” - people said, as if reproaching each other for their lack of faith.
A few minutes later an officer hurriedly came out of the front doors, ordered something, and the dragoons stood up. The crowd from the balcony eagerly moved towards the porch. Walking out onto the porch with angry, quick steps, Rostopchin hurriedly looked around him, as if looking for someone.
- Where is he? - said the count, and at the same moment as he said this, he saw from around the corner of the house coming out between two dragoons a young man with a long thin neck, with his head half shaved and overgrown. This young man was dressed in what had once been a dandyish, blue cloth-covered, shabby fox sheepskin coat and dirty prisoner's harem trousers, stuffed into uncleaned, worn-out thin boots. Shackles hung heavily on his thin, weak legs, making it difficult for the young man to walk indecisively.
- A! - said Rastopchin, hastily turning his gaze away from the young man in the fox sheepskin coat and pointing to the bottom step of the porch. - Put it here! “The young man, clanking his shackles, stepped heavily onto the indicated step, holding the collar of his sheepskin coat that was pressing with his finger, turned his long neck twice and, sighing, folded his thin, non-working hands in front of his stomach with a submissive gesture.
Silence continued for several seconds while the young man positioned himself on the step. Only in the back rows of people squeezing into one place were groans, groans, tremors and the tramp of moving feet heard.