One of the most tragic events that took place in the history of Russia is Bloody Sunday. Briefly speaking, on January 9, 1905, a demonstration was executed, in which about 140 thousand representatives of the working class took part. This happened in St. Petersburg during the time of which people began to call it Bloody. Many historians believe what exactly served as the decisive impetus for the start of the 1905 revolution.

Brief background

At the end of 1904, political ferment began in the country, this happened after the defeat that the state suffered in the notorious Russian-Japanese War. What events led to the mass execution of workers - a tragedy that went down in history as Bloody Sunday? Briefly speaking, it all started with the organization of the “Meeting of Russian Factory Workers.”

It is interesting that the creation of this organization was actively promoted. This was due to the fact that the authorities were concerned about the growing number of dissatisfied people in the working environment. The main goal of the “Assembly” was initially to protect representatives of the working class from the influence of revolutionary propaganda, organize mutual assistance, and educate. However, the “Assembly” was not properly controlled by the authorities, as a result of which there was a sharp change in the direction of the organization. This was largely due to the personality of the person who headed it.

Georgy Gapon

What does Georgy Gapon have to do with the tragic day that is remembered as Bloody Sunday? Briefly speaking, it was this clergyman who became the inspirer and organizer of the demonstration, the outcome of which was so sad. Gapon took the post of head of the “Assembly” at the end of 1903, and it soon found itself in his unlimited power. The ambitious clergyman dreamed of having his name go down in history and proclaiming himself a true leader of the working class.

The leader of the “Assembly” founded a secret committee, whose members read forbidden literature, studied the history of revolutionary movements, and developed plans to fight for the interests of the working class. The Karelin spouses, who enjoyed great authority among the workers, became Gapon's associates.

The "Program of Five", including the specific political and economic demands of the members of the secret committee, was developed in March 1904. It was she who served as the source from which the demands that the demonstrators planned to present to the Tsar on Bloody Sunday 1905 were taken. In short, they failed to achieve their goal. On that day, the petition never fell into the hands of Nicholas II.

Incident at the Putilov plant

What event made workers decide to demonstrate massively on the day known as Bloody Sunday? You can briefly talk about it like this: the impetus was the dismissal of several people who worked at the Putilov plant. All of them were participants in the “Meeting”. Rumors spread that people were fired precisely because of their affiliation with the organization.

The unrest did not spread to other enterprises operating at that time in St. Petersburg. Mass strikes began and leaflets with economic and political demands on the government began to be distributed. Inspired, Gapon decided to submit a petition personally to the autocrat Nicholas II. When the text of the appeal to the Tsar was read to the participants of the “Meeting”, the number of which already exceeded 20 thousand, people expressed a desire to participate in the meeting.

The date for the procession was also determined, which went down in history as Bloody Sunday - January 9, 1905. The main events are summarized below.

Bloodshed was not planned

The authorities became aware in advance of the impending demonstration, in which about 140 thousand people were supposed to take part. Emperor Nicholas left with his family for Tsarskoe Selo on January 6. The Minister of the Interior called an emergency meeting the day before the event, which is remembered as Bloody Sunday 1905. In short, during the meeting it was decided not to allow the rally participants to go not only to Palace Square, but also to the city center.

It is also worth mentioning that bloodshed was not initially planned. Authorities had no doubt that the crowd would be forced to disperse by the sight of armed soldiers, but these expectations were not justified.

Massacres

The procession that moved to the Winter Palace consisted of men, women and children who did not have weapons with them. Many participants in the procession held portraits of Nicholas II and banners in their hands. At the Neva Gate, the demonstration was attacked by cavalry, then shooting began, five shots were fired.

The next shots were heard at the Trinity Bridge from the St. Petersburg and Vyborg sides. Several volleys were fired at the Winter Palace when the demonstrators reached the Alexander Garden. The scene of the events soon became littered with the bodies of the wounded and dead. Local clashes continued until late in the evening; only by 11 p.m. did authorities manage to disperse the demonstrators.

Consequences

The report that was presented to Nicholas II significantly downplayed the number of people injured on January 9. Bloody Sunday, summarized in this article, killed 130 people and injured another 299, according to this report. In reality, the number of killed and wounded exceeded four thousand people; the exact figure remained a mystery.

Georgy Gapon managed to hide abroad, but in March 1906 the clergyman was killed by the Socialist Revolutionaries. Mayor Fullon, who was directly related to the events of Bloody Sunday, was dismissed on January 10, 1905. The Minister of Internal Affairs Svyatopolk-Mirsky also lost his post. The meeting of the emperor with the working delegation took place during which Nicholas II expressed regret that so many people had died. However, he still stated that the demonstrators had committed a crime and condemned the mass march.

Conclusion

After Gapon's disappearance, the mass strike ended and the unrest subsided. However, this turned out to be only the calm before the storm; soon new political upheavals and casualties awaited the state.

Somehow it was quickly forgotten that the impetus that became the main cause of the first Russian revolution of 1905 was the shooting on January 9, 1905 in St. Petersburg by imperial troops of a peaceful demonstration of workers led by , which was later called Bloody Sunday. In this action, by order of the “democratic” authorities, 96 unarmed demonstrators were shot and 333 were wounded, of whom another 34 then died. The figures are taken from the report of the Director of the Police Department A. A. Lopukhin to the Minister of Internal Affairs A. G. Bulygin about the events of that day.

When the shooting of a peaceful demonstration of workers took place, I was in exile, the Social Democrats had no influence at all on either the course or the result of what happened. Subsequently, communist history declared Georgy Gapon a provocateur and a villain, although the memoirs of contemporaries and the documents of Priest Gapon himself indicate that there was no treacherous or provocative intent in his actions. Apparently, life was not so sweet and rich in Rus', even if priests began to lead revolutionary circles and movements.

In addition, Father George himself, driven at first by good feelings, later became proud and imagined himself to be some kind of messiah, dreaming of becoming a peasant king.

The conflict, as often happens, began with a banality. In December 1904, 4 workers, members of Gaponov’s “Meeting of Russian Factory Workers,” were fired from the Putilov plant. At the same time, the foreman told those fired: “Go to your “Assembly”, it will support and feed you.” The workers followed the offensive “advice” of the master and turned to Gapon. An investigation carried out on behalf of Father Georgy showed that three of the four were fired unfairly and illegally, and the master himself was biased towards members of Gapon’s organization.

Gapon quite rightly saw in the master’s action a challenge posed to the Assembly by the plant administration. And if the organization does not protect its members, it will thereby lose credibility among members of the assembly and other workers.

On January 3, a strike began at the Putilov plant, which gradually spread to other enterprises in St. Petersburg. Participants in the strike were:

• From the pipe factory of the Military Department on Vasilyevsky Island - 6 thousand workers;
• From the Nevsky Mechanical and Shipbuilding Plants - also 6 thousand workers;
• From the Franco-Russian plant, the Nevskaya thread factory, and the Nevskaya paper spinning manufactory, 2 thousand workers each left their jobs;

In total, more than 120 enterprises with a total workforce of about 88 thousand people took part in the strike. Mass strikes, for their part, also served as the reason for such a disloyal attitude towards the workers’ march.

On January 5, Gapon made a proposal to turn to the Tsar for help. In the following days, he drafted the text of the appeal, which included economic and several political demands, the main one being the involvement of people's representatives in the constituent assembly. A religious procession to the Tsar was scheduled for Sunday, January 9.

The Bolsheviks tried to take advantage of the current situation and involve the workers in the revolutionary movement. Students and agitators came to the departments of Gapon’s Assembly, scattered leaflets, tried to give speeches, but the working masses followed Gapon and did not want to listen to the Social Democrats. According to one of the Bolsheviks, D.D. Gimmera Gapon checkmate the Social Democrats.

Communist history has been silent for many years about one event, incidental, but which influenced the subsequent outcome of Sunday. Perhaps they considered it insignificant or, most likely, the hushing up of this fact made it possible to expose the tsarist government as bloodthirsty monsters. On January 6th the Epiphany water blessing took place on the Neva. Nicholas 2 himself took part in the event. One of the artillery pieces fired towards the royal tent. This gun, intended for training shooting ranges, turned out to be a loaded live shell that exploded almost next to the tent. It produced a number of other damages. Four windows in the palace were broken and a policeman, coincidentally the emperor's namesake, was wounded.

Then, during the investigation, it turned out that this shot was accidental, fired due to someone’s negligence and oversight. However, he seriously frightened the tsar, and he hastily left for Tsarskoye Selo. Everyone was convinced that a terrorist attack had been attempted.

Father George assumed the possibility of clashes between demonstrators and the police, and, wanting to avoid them, wrote 2 letters: to the Tsar and to the Minister of Internal Affairs P. D. Svyatopolk-Mirsky.

In a letter to His Imperial Majesty, Father George wrote:

The priest called on Nicholas 2 to come out to the people “with a courageous heart,” and announced that the workers would guarantee their safety “at the cost of their own lives.”

In his book, Gapon recalled how difficult it was for him to convince the workers' leaders to give the emperor this guarantee: the workers believed that if something happened to the king, they would be obliged to give up their lives. The letter was delivered to the Winter Palace, but it is not known whether it was handed over to the Tsar. In a letter to Svyatopolk-Mirsky, composed in approximately the same words, the priest asked the minister to immediately inform the tsar about the upcoming event and familiarize him with the workers’ petition. It is known that the minister received the letter and on the evening of January 8 took it along with the petition to Tsarskoe Selo. However, no response was received from the king and his minister.

Addressing the workers, Gapon said: “Let’s go, brothers, let’s see if the Russian Tsar really loves his people, as they say. If he gives him all freedom, it means he loves, and if not, then it’s a lie, and then we can do with him as our conscience dictates...”

On the morning of January 9, workers in festive clothes gathered on the outskirts to move in columns to the palace square. The people were peaceful and came out with icons, portraits of the Tsar and banners. There were women in the columns. 140 thousand people took part in the procession.

Not only the workers were preparing for the religious procession, but also the tsarist government. Troops and police units were deployed to St. Petersburg. The city was divided into 8 parts. 40 thousand military and police were involved in suppressing popular unrest. Bloody Sunday has begun.

Results of the day

On this difficult day, gun salvos thundered on the Shlisselburgsky tract, at the Narva Gate, on the 4th line and Maly Prospekt of Vasilievsky Island, next to the Trinity Bridge and in other parts of the city. According to military and police reports, shooting was used where workers refused to disperse. The military first fired a warning salvo into the air, and when the crowd approached closer than a specified distance, they opened fire to kill. On this day, 2 policemen died, not a single one from the military. Gapon was taken from the square by the Socialist Revolutionary Ruttenberg (the one who would later be held responsible for Gapon’s death) to the apartment of Maxim Gorky.

The number of killed and wounded varies in different reports and documents.

Not all relatives found the bodies of their loved ones in hospitals, which gave rise to rumors that the police were underreporting the victims who were buried secretly in mass graves.

It can be assumed that if Nicholas II had been in the palace and had come out to the people, or had sent (at worst) a confidant, if he had listened to the delegates from the people, then there might not have been any revolution at all. But the tsar and his ministers chose to stay away from the people, deploying heavily armed gendarmes and soldiers against them. Thus, Nicholas 2 turned the people against himself and provided carte blanche for the Bolsheviks. The events of Bloody Sunday are considered to be the beginning of the revolution.

Here is an entry from the emperor's diary:

Gapon had a hard time surviving the execution of the workers. According to the recollections of one of the eyewitnesses, he sat for a long time, looking at one point, nervously clenching his fist and repeating “I swear... I swear...”. Having recovered a little from the shock, he took the paper and wrote a message to the workers.

It’s somehow hard to believe that if the priest were in the same basement with Nicholas 2, and if he had a weapon in his hands, he would begin to read sermons about Christian love and forgiveness, after everything that happened on that fateful day. He would have picked up this weapon and shot the king.

On this day, Gorky also addressed the people and intelligentsia. The end result of this Bloody Sunday was the beginning of the first Russian revolution.

The strike movement was gaining momentum, not only factories and factories were on strike, but also the army and navy. The Bolsheviks could not stay away, and Lenin returned to Russia illegally in November 1905, using a false passport.

After what happened on Bloody Sunday on January 9, Svyatopolk-Mirsky was removed from his post and Bulygin was appointed to the post of Minister of Internal Affairs. The position of Governor General of St. Petersburg appeared, to which the Tsar appointed D.F. Trepov.

On February 29, Nicholas II created a commission that was designed to establish the reasons for the discontent of the St. Petersburg workers. It was declared that political demands were unacceptable. However, the commission’s activities turned out to be unproductive, since the workers put forward demands that were political in nature:

• Openness of commission meetings,
• Release of those arrested;
• Freedom of the press;
• Restoration of 11 closed Gapon groups.

A wave of strikes swept across Russia and affected the national outskirts.

The power of one person over another destroys, first of all, the ruler.

Lev Tolstoy

Bloody Sunday - a mass procession of workers on January 9, 1905 to the Tsar to present a Letter of Demand. The demonstration was shot, and its instigator, priest Gapon, fled from Russia. According to official data, 130 people were killed and several hundred were injured that day. I will briefly discuss in this article how true these figures are and how important the events of Bloody Sunday turned out to be for Russia.

On January 3, 1905, a rebellion began at the Putilov plant. This was a consequence of the deterioration of the social situation of workers in Russia, and the reason was the dismissal of some workers at the Putilov plant. A strike began, which in just a few days covered the entire capital, virtually paralyzing its work. The rebellion gained mass popularity largely thanks to the “Meeting of Russian Factory Workers of St. Petersburg.” The organization was led by priest Georgy Gapon. By January 8, when more than 200 thousand people were involved in the rebellion, it was decided to go to the tsar in order to present to him the “demands of the people.” The document contained the following sections and requirements.

Petition of the people to the king

Group	Requirements
Measures against ignorance and lack of rights of the people	Liberation of all those affected by political opinions
	Declaration of freedoms and personal integrity
	General public education at the expense of the state
	Responsibility of Ministers to the people
	Equality of all before the law
	Separation of Church and State
Measures against public poverty	Abolition of indirect taxes
	Cancellation of redemption payments for land
	Execution of all government orders domestically and not abroad
	Ending the war
Measures against the oppression of capital over the ruble	Abolition of factory inspectors
	Creation of working commissions at all plants and factories
	Freedom of trade unions
	8-hour working day and rationing of overtime work
	Freedom of struggle between labor and capital
	Salary increase

Only measures against the oppression of capital over the ruble can be called “worker”, that is, those that really worried the rebellious factory workers. The first 2 groups have nothing to do with the position of the workers, and were obviously introduced under pressure from revolutionary organizations. Moreover, it was the first 2 groups of demands that created Bloody Sunday, which began in the form of a struggle for workers’ rights, and ended in the form of a struggle against autocracy. Freedom of the press, freedom of political parties, immediate end to the war, abolition of indirect taxes, amnesty for political prisoners, separation of church and state - how does all this relate to the demands of the workers and their needs? At the very least, some points can be connected with the needs of factory owners, but how, for example, is the daily life of workers connected with the separation of church and state and the amnesty of all political prisoners? But it was precisely these 2 points that transformed the rally into a revolution...

Course of events

Chronology of events in January 1905:

• January 3 – riot at the Putilov plant in response to the dismissal of workers. The head of the rebellion is priest Gapon, chairman of the Assembly.
• January 4-5 – the rebellion spreads to other plants and factories. More than 150 thousand people were involved. The work of almost all plants and factories has been stopped.
• January 6 – there were no significant events, since the holiday of Epiphany was celebrated.
• January 7 – 382 enterprises in St. Petersburg were engulfed in rebellion, so the events could be called general. On the same day, Gapon voiced the idea of ​​a mass procession to the Tsar to convey demands.
• January 8 - Gapon hands over a copy of the Address to the Tsar to the Minister of Justice - N.V. Muravyov. In the morning, the government gathers the army into the city and closes off the center, since the revolutionary nature of the demands is obvious.
• January 9 – mass sixth columns to the Winter Palace. Shooting of a demonstration by government troops.

The chronology of Bloody Sunday allows us to draw a paradoxical conclusion - the events were a provocation, and a mutual one. On the one hand there were the Russian police authorities (they wanted to show that they could solve any problem and intimidate the people), and on the other hand there were revolutionary organizations (they needed a reason for the strike to develop into a revolution, and they could openly advocate for the overthrow of the autocracy). And this provocation was successful. There were shots from the workers, there were shots from the army. As a result, shooting began. Official sources speak of 130 dead. In reality there were many more victims. The press, for example, wrote (this figure was later used by Lenin) about 4,600 dead.

Gapon and his role

After the start of the strikes, Gapon, who led the Assembly of Russian Factory Workers, gained great influence. However, it cannot be said that Gapon was a key figure in Bloody Sunday. Today, the idea is widely spread that the priest was an agent of the Tsarist secret police and a provocateur. Many prominent historians talk about this, but not one of them has yet brought a single fact to prove this theory. Contacts between Gapon and the Tsarist secret police took place in 1904, and Gapon himself did not hide this. Moreover, the people who were members of the Assembly knew about this. But there is not a single fact that in January 1905 Gapon was a tsarist agent. Although after the revolution this issue was actively addressed. If the Bolsheviks did not find any documents in the archives linking Gapon with the special services, then there really are none. This means that this theory is untenable.

Gapon put forward the idea of ​​​​creating a petition to the Tsar, organizing a procession, and even led this procession himself. But he did not control the process. If he really had been the ideological inspirer of the mass upsurge of the workers, then the petition to the Tsar would not have contained those revolutionary points.

After the events of January 9, Gapon fled abroad. He returned to Russia in 1906. Later he was arrested by the Social Revolutionaries and executed for collaborating with the tsarist police. It happened on March 26, 1906.

Actions of the authorities

Characters:

• Lopukhin is the director of the police department.
• Muravyov is the Minister of Justice.
• Svyatopolk-Mirsky - Minister of Internal Affairs. As a result, he was replaced by Trepov.
• Fullon is the mayor of St. Petersburg. As a result, he was replaced by Dedyulin.
• Meshetich, Fullon - generals of the tsarist army

As for the shooting, it was an inevitable consequence of calling in the troops. After all, they weren’t called for a parade, were they?

Until the end of the day on January 7, the authorities did not consider the popular uprising as a real threat. No steps were taken at all to restore order. But on January 7, it became clear what threat Russia faced. In the morning, the issue of introducing martial law in St. Petersburg is discussed. In the evening, a meeting of all the actors takes place and a decision is made to send troops into the city, but martial law is not introduced. At the same meeting, the question of arresting Gapon was raised, but this idea was abandoned, not wanting to further provoke the people. Later, Witte wrote: “at the meeting it was decided that the workers’ demonstrators should not be allowed beyond the known limits located on Palace Square.”

By 6 a.m. on January 8, 26.5 infantry companies (about 2.5 thousand people) were introduced into the city, which began to be located with the goal of “preventing it.” By evening, a plan for the deployment of troops around Palace Square was approved, but there was no specific plan of action! There was only a recommendation - not to let people in. Therefore, virtually everything was left to the army generals. They decided...

The spontaneous nature of the procession

Most history textbooks say that the workers' uprising in Petrograd was spontaneous: the workers were tired of the tyranny and the dismissal of 100 people from the Putilov plant was the last straw, which forced the workers to take active action. It is said that the workers were led only by the priest Georgy Gapon, but there was no organization in this movement. The only thing that ordinary people wanted was to convey to the king the severity of their situation. There are 2 points that refute this hypothesis:

1. In the workers' demands, more than 50% of the points are political, economic and religious demands. This has nothing to do with the daily needs of the factory owners, and indicates that there were people behind them who were using the discontent of the people to foment revolution.
2. The rebellion that developed into “Bloody Sunday” happened in 5 days. The work of all factories in St. Petersburg was paralyzed. More than 200 thousand people took part in the movement. Can this happen spontaneously and by itself?

On January 3, 1905, an uprising broke out at the Putilov plant. About 10 thousand people are involved in it. On January 4, 15 thousand people were already on strike, and on January 8 – about 180 thousand people. Obviously, to stop the entire industry of the capital and start a revolt of 180 thousand people, an organization was needed. Otherwise, nothing would have happened in such a short time.

The role of Nicholas 2

Nicholas 2 is a very controversial figure in Russian history. On the one hand, today everyone justifies him (even canonized him), but on the other hand, the collapse of the Russian Empire, Bloody Sunday, 2 revolutions are a direct consequence of his policies. At all important historical moments for Russia, Nikola 2 withdrew himself! So it was with Bloody Sunday. On January 8, 1908, everyone already understood that serious events were taking place in the capital of the country: more than 200 thousand people were taking part in strikes, the city’s industry was stopped, revolutionary organizations began to become active, a decision was made to send the army into the city, and even the issue of introducing martial law in Petrograd was being considered. . And in such a difficult situation, the tsar was not in the capital on January 9, 1905! Historians today explain this for 2 reasons:

1. There were fears of an assassination attempt on the emperor. Let's say, but what prevented the king, who is responsible for the country, from being in the capital under heavy security and leading the process by making decisions? If they were afraid of an assassination attempt, then they could not go out to people, but the emperor is simply obliged at such moments to lead the country and make responsible decisions. It would be the same as if, during the defense of Moscow in 1941, Stalin had left and not even been interested in what was happening there. This cannot even be allowed to happen! Nicholas 2 did just that, and modern liberals are still trying to justify him.
2. Nicholas 2 cared about his family and withdrew to protect his family. The argument is clearly made up, but it is acceptable. One question arises: what did all this lead to? During the February Revolution, Nicholas 2, just like during Bloody Sunday, withdrew from decision-making - as a result, he lost the country, and it was because of this that his family was shot. In any case, the king is responsible not only for the family, but also for the country (or rather, first of all for the country).

The events of Bloody Sunday on January 9, 1905 most clearly highlight the reasons why the Russian Empire collapsed - the tsar did not care deeply about what was happening. On January 8, everyone knew that there would be a procession to the Winter Palace, everyone knew that it would be numerous. In preparation for this, the army is brought in and decrees are issued (albeit unnoticed by the masses) banning processions. At such an important moment for the country, when everyone understands that a serious event is being prepared - the king is not in the capital! Can you imagine this, for example, under Ivan the Terrible, Peter 1, Alexander 3? Of course not. That's the whole difference. Nicholas 2 was a “local” man who thought only about himself and his family, and not about the country, for which he bore responsibility before God.

Who gave the order to shoot

The question of who gave the order to shoot during Bloody Sunday is one of the most difficult. Only one thing can be said reliably and accurately - Nicholas 2 did not give such an order, because he did not direct these events in any way (the reasons were discussed above). The version that the shooting was necessary for the government also does not stand up to the test of facts. Suffice it to say that on January 9, Svyatopolk-Mirsky and Fullon were removed from their posts. If we assume that Bloody Sunday was a government provocation, then the resignations of the main characters who know the truth are illogical.

Rather, it may be that the authorities did not expect this (including provocations), but they should have expected it, especially when regular troops were brought into St. Petersburg. Then the army generals simply acted in accordance with the order “not to allow.” They did not allow people to move forward.

Significance and historical consequences

The events of Bloody Sunday on January 9 and the shooting of a peaceful demonstration of workers became a terrible blow to the positions of the autocracy in Russia. If before 1905 no one said out loud that Russia did not need a tsar, but only talked about convening a Constituent Assembly as a means of influencing the tsar’s policies, then after January 9 the slogans “Down with autocracy!” began to be openly proclaimed. Already on January 9 and 10, spontaneous rallies began to form, where Nicholas 2 was the main object of criticism.

The second important consequence of the shooting of a demonstration is the beginning of a revolution. Despite the strikes in St. Petersburg, it was only 1 city, but when the army shot the workers, the whole country rebelled and opposed the tsar. And it was the revolution of 1905-1907 that created the basis on which the events of 1917 were built. And all this is due to the fact that Nicholas 2 did not govern the country at critical moments.

Sources and literature:

• History of Russia edited by A.N. Sakhorova
• History of Russia, Ostrovsky, Utkin.
• The beginning of the first Russian revolution. Documents and materials. Moscow, 1955.
• Red Chronicle 1922-1928.

January 9 (22), 1905, St. Petersburg - events known as “Bloody Sunday” or “Red Sunday” occurred - the dispersal of a procession of workers to the Winter Palace, which had the goal of presenting a collective Petition to the sovereign about workers’ needs.

Where it all started

It all started with the fact that at the end of December 1904, 4 workers were fired at the Putilov plant. The plant carried out an important defense order - it made a railway transporter for transporting submarines. Russian submarines could change the course of the naval war in our favor, and to do this they had to be delivered across the country to the Far East. This could not be done without the transporter ordered from the Putilov plant.

Three were fired for actual absenteeism, and only one person was actually treated unfairly. But this occasion was happily taken up by the revolutionaries, and they began to escalate passions. It should be noted that the Socialist-Revolutionary P. Rutenberg, who was part of G. Gapon’s inner circle, also worked at Putilovsky (as the head of a tool workshop).

By January 3, 1905, an ordinary labor conflict escalated into a general factory strike. Then the factory management was presented with the demands. But the workers’ petition spoke not so much about the reinstatement of their comrades as about a wide list of economic and political demands that the administration could not fulfill for obvious reasons. In the blink of an eye, almost all of St. Petersburg went on strike as a sign of solidarity. The police reports spoke of the active participation of Japanese and British intelligence services in spreading the riot.

Details of the provocation

The idea of ​​going to the Tsar with a petition was submitted by the priest Georgy Gapon and his entourage on January 6, 1905. However, the workers who were invited to go to the Tsar for help were introduced only to purely economic demands. Gaponov's provocateurs even began to spread the rumor that Nicholas II himself wanted to meet with his people. The provocation scheme was as follows: revolutionary agitators, allegedly on behalf of the Tsar, conveyed the following to the workers: “I, the Tsar by God’s grace, am powerless to cope with officials and bars, I want to help the people, but the nobles do not give. Rise up, Orthodox, help me, the Tsar, to overcome my and your enemies.”

Many eyewitnesses spoke about this (for example, the Bolshevik Subbotina). Hundreds of revolutionary provocateurs walked among the people, inviting people to come to Palace Square at two o'clock in the afternoon on January 9, declaring that the Tsar would be waiting for them there. As you know, the workers began to prepare for this day as a holiday: they ironed their best clothes, many planned to take their children with them. In the minds of the majority, this was a kind of procession to the Tsar, especially since a priest promised to lead it.

What is known about the events between January 6 and 9 is that: On the morning of January 7, Minister of Justice N.V. Muravyov attempted to enter into negotiations with Gapon, who was already in hiding by that time, who, according to the conviction of the St. Petersburg mayor, General I., who had known him for many years. A. Fullon, could bring calm to the ranks of the strikers. Negotiations took place in the afternoon at the Ministry of Justice. The ultimatum nature of the radical political demands of Gaponov's petition made continuation of negotiations pointless, but, fulfilling the obligation assumed during the negotiations, Muravyov did not order the immediate arrest of the priest.

On the evening of January 7, the Minister of Internal Affairs Svyatopolk-Mirsky held a meeting in which Minister of Justice Muravyov, Minister of Finance Kokovtsov, Comrade Minister of Internal Affairs, Chief of the Gendarme Corps General Rydzevsky, Director of the Police Department Lopukhin, Commander of the Guards Corps General Vasilchikov, St. Petersburg mayor General Fullon. After the Minister of Justice reported unsuccessful negotiations with Gapon, the possibility of arresting the latter was considered at the meeting.

But “in order to avoid further aggravation of the situation in the city, they decided to refrain from issuing an arrest warrant for the priest.”

On the morning of January 8, Gapon composed a letter to the Minister of Internal Affairs, which was transferred by one of his associates to the ministry. In this letter, the priest stated: “Workers and residents of St. Petersburg of different classes wish and must see the Tsar on January 9, Sunday, at 2 o’clock in the afternoon on Palace Square, in order to directly express to him their needs and the needs of the entire Russian people. The king has nothing to fear. I, as a representative of the “Assembly of Russian Factory Workers” of the city of St. Petersburg, my fellow workers, comrades, even the so-called revolutionary groups of various directions guarantee the inviolability of his personality... Your duty to the Tsar and the entire Russian people is to immediately, today, bring to information from His Imperial Majesty, both all of the above, and our petition attached here.”

Gapon sent a letter of similar content to the emperor. But, due to the arrest of the worker who delivered the letter to Tsarskoe Selo, it was not received by the tsar. On this day, the number of workers on strike reached 120,000 people, and the strike in the capital became general.

On the evening of January 8, the Minister of the Imperial Court, Baron Fredericks, who arrived from Tsarskoye Selo, conveyed to Svyatopolk-Mirsky the Highest command to declare martial law in St. Petersburg. Soon Svyatopolk-Mirsky convened a meeting. None of those present had any idea that the movement of the workers would have to be stopped by force, much less that bloodshed might occur. Nevertheless, at the meeting they decided to arrest the priest.

Georgy Gapon and I. A. Fullon in “Meeting of Russian Factory Workers”

General Rydzevsky signed an order to the St. Petersburg mayor Fullon for the immediate arrest of Gapon and 19 of his closest associates. But Fullon considered that “these arrests cannot be carried out, because this would require too many police officers, whom he cannot divert from maintaining order, and because these arrests cannot but be associated with outright resistance "

After the meeting, Svyatopolk-Mirsky went with a report on the situation in St. Petersburg to the tsar - this report, which aimed to get the emperor to lift martial law in the capital, was of a calming nature and did not give an idea of ​​​​the severity and complexity of the situation in St. Petersburg on the eve of an unprecedented scale and radicalism political demands for mass action by workers. The Emperor was also not informed of the intentions of the military and police authorities of the capital for the coming day. For all these reasons, on January 8, 1905, a decision was made - the tsar would not go to the capital tomorrow, but would remain in Tsarskoe Selo (he lived there permanently, and not in the Winter Palace).

The sovereign's abolition of martial law in the capital did not at all mean that he had canceled the order to arrest Georgy Gapon and his main associates in organizing the general strike. Therefore, fulfilling the instructions of the Minister of the Imperial Court Fredericks, the head of his office, General Mosolov, on the night of January 9 called Comrade Minister of Internal Affairs Rydzewski to obtain information on this matter.

“I asked him if Gapon had been arrested,” General Mosolov later recalled, “he told me that no, due to the fact that he had holed up in one of the houses in the working-class district and for his arrest he would have had to sacrifice at least 10 police officers.” . They decided to arrest him the next morning, during his speech. Having probably heard in my voice a disagreement with his opinion, he said to me: “Well, do you want me to take on my conscience 10 human victims because of this filthy priest?” To which my answer was that in his place I would take it on my conscience and all 100, because tomorrow, in my opinion, threatens with much greater human casualties, which in reality, unfortunately, turned out ... "

The imperial standard over the Winter Palace was lowered at half-mast on January 9, as was always done in the absence of the emperor in the Winter Palace. In addition, Gapon himself and other leaders of workers' organizations (not to mention the Socialist Revolutionaries from Gapon's inner circle) knew that the code of laws of the Russian Empire provided for the submission of petitions to the Tsar in various ways, but not during mass demonstrations.

Nevertheless, it is possible to assume that I could have come to St. Petersburg and reached people if not for 4 circumstances:

Some time before the events described, the police were able to find out that Socialist-Revolutionary terrorists had appeared in Gapon’s immediate circle. Let me remind you that the Charter of the Union of Factory Workers prohibited the entry of socialists and revolutionaries into it, and until 1905 Gapon (and the workers themselves) strictly observed this Charter.

The law of the Russian Empire did not provide for the submission of petitions to the Tsar during mass demonstrations, especially petitions with political demands.

These days, an investigation began into the events of January 6, and one of the main versions was an attempt to assassinate Nicholas II.

Almost from the very morning, riots began in some columns of demonstrators, which were provoked by the Social Revolutionaries (for example, on Vasilievsky Island, even before the shooting in other areas).

That is, if there were no Socialist-Revolutionary provocateurs in the ranks of the demonstrators of the Union of Factory Workers, if the demonstration had been peaceful, then around noon the emperor could have been informed about the purely peaceful nature of the demonstration, and then he could have given the appropriate orders to allow the demonstrators to Palace Square and appoint your representatives to meet with them, or go to St. Petersburg, to the Winter Palace, and meet with representatives of the workers.

Provided, of course, if there were no other three circumstances.

If not for these circumstances, the sovereign could have arrived in the capital in the afternoon; peaceful demonstrators could be allowed onto Palace Square; Gapon and several representatives of the workers could be invited to the Winter Palace. It is likely that after the negotiations the tsar would have gone out to the people and announced that some decisions had been made in favor of the workers. And in any case, if not for these 4 circumstances, then representatives from the government appointed by the Sovereign would have met with Gapon and the workers. But the events after January 6 (after Gapon’s first calls to the workers) developed so rapidly and were organized by the Socialist Revolutionaries standing behind Gapon in such a provocative manner that the authorities did not have time to either properly understand them or react correctly to them.

So, thousands of people were ready to come out to meet the sovereign. It was impossible to cancel the demonstration - newspapers were not published. And until late in the evening on the eve of January 9, hundreds of agitators walked around working-class areas, exciting people, inviting them to Palace Square, declaring again and again that the meeting was being hindered by exploiters and officials.

Striking workers at the gates of the Putilov plant, January 1905.

The St. Petersburg authorities, who gathered on the evening of January 8 for a meeting, realizing that it was no longer possible to stop the workers, decided not to allow them into the very center of the city. The main task was to prevent unrest, the inevitable crush and death of people as a result of the flow of huge masses from 4 sides in the narrow space of Nevsky Prospect and to Palace Square, among the embankments and canals. In an effort to prevent a tragedy, authorities issued an announcement banning the January 9 march and warning of the danger. The revolutionaries tore off sheets with the text of this announcement from the walls of houses and again repeated to people about the “intrigues” of officials.

It is obvious that Gapon, deceiving both the sovereign and the people, hid from them the subversive work that his entourage was carrying out. He promised the emperor immunity, but he himself knew very well that the so-called revolutionaries, whom he invited to participate in the procession, would come out with the slogans “Down with autocracy!”, “Long live the revolution!”, and in their pockets there would be revolvers. In the end, the priest’s letter was of an unacceptably ultimatum character - a Russian person did not dare speak to the sovereign in such a language and, of course, would hardly have approved of this message - but, let me remind you, Gapon at rallies told the workers only part of the petition, which contained only economic demands .

Gapon and the criminal forces behind him were preparing to kill the Tsar himself. Later, after the events described, the priest was asked in a narrow circle of like-minded people:

Well, Father George, now we are alone and there is no need to be afraid that dirty linen will be washed out in public, and that’s a thing of the past. You know how much they talked about the event of January 9 and how often one could hear the judgment that if the Tsar had accepted the delegation with honor, if he had listened to the deputies kindly, everything would have turned out all right. Well, what do you think, oh. George, what would have happened if the king had come out to the people?

Absolutely unexpectedly, but in a sincere tone, the priest answered:

They would have killed in half a minute, half a second.

The head of the St. Petersburg security department, A.V. Gerasimov, also described in his memoirs that there was a plan to kill Nicholas II, which Gapon told him about during a conversation with him and Rachkovsky: “Suddenly, I asked him if it was true that on January 9 there was a plan to shoot the emperor when he came out to the people. Gapon replied: “Yes, that’s true. It would be terrible if this plan came to fruition. I found out about him much later. It was not my plan, but Rutenberg’s... The Lord saved him...”

Representatives of the revolutionary parties were distributed among separate columns of workers (there were eleven of them - according to the number of branches of Gapon's organization). Socialist Revolutionary fighters were preparing weapons. The Bolsheviks put together detachments, each of which consisted of a standard bearer, an agitator and a core that defended them (i.e., in fact, militants). All members of the RSDLP were required to be at the collection points by six o'clock in the morning. Banners and banners were being prepared: “Down with autocracy!”, “Long live the revolution!”, “To arms, comrades!”

January 9, 1905 – beginning of Bloody Sunday

On January 9, early in the morning, workers began gathering at assembly points. Before the start of the procession, a prayer service for the health of the Tsar was served in the chapel of the Putilov plant. The procession had all the features of a religious procession. In the first rows they carried icons, banners and royal portraits. But from the very beginning, long before the first shots were fired, at the other end of the city, on Vasilievsky Island (as well as in some other places), groups of workers close to the Socialist Revolutionaries, led by revolutionary provocateurs, built barricades from telegraph poles and hoisted red flags on them.

There were several tens of thousands of people in individual columns. This huge mass fatally moved towards the center and the closer it came to it, the more it was subjected to the agitation of revolutionary provocateurs. Not a single shot had been fired yet, and some people were spreading the most incredible rumors about mass shootings. Attempts by the authorities to call the procession to order were rebuffed by specially organized groups.

The head of the police department, Lopukhin, who, by the way, sympathized with the socialists, wrote about these events as follows: “Electrified by agitation, crowds of workers, not succumbing to the usual general police measures and even cavalry attacks, persistently strove for the Winter Palace, and then, irritated by the resistance, began attack military units. This state of affairs led to the need to take emergency measures to restore order, and military units had to act against huge crowds of workers with firearms.”

The procession from the Narva outpost was led by Gapon himself, who kept shouting: “If we are refused, then we no longer have a Tsar.” The column approached the Obvodny Canal, where its path was blocked by rows of soldiers. The officers suggested that the increasingly pressing crowd stop, but it did not obey. The first salvos were fired, blanks. The crowd was ready to return, but Gapon and his assistants walked forward, dragging the crowd with them. Combat shots rang out.

Events unfolded in approximately the same way in other places - on the Vyborg side, on Vasilievsky Island, on the Shlisselburg tract. Red banners and revolutionary slogans began to appear. Part of the crowd, excited by trained militants, smashed weapons stores and erected barricades. On Vasilyevsky Island, a crowd led by the Bolshevik L.D. Davydov seized Schaff's weapons workshop. “In Kirpichny Lane,” Lopukhin later reported to the sovereign, “a crowd attacked two policemen, one of them was beaten. On Morskaya Street, Major General Elrich was beaten, on Gorokhovaya Street, one captain was beaten and a courier was detained, and his engine was broken. The crowd pulled a cadet from the Nikolaev Cavalry School who was passing by in a cab from his sleigh, broke the saber with which he defended himself, and inflicted beatings and wounds on him...”

Consequences of Bloody Sunday

In total, on January 9, 1905, 96 people were killed (including a police officer), and up to 333 people were wounded, of whom another 34 people died before January 27 (including one assistant police officer). So, in total, 130 people were killed and about 300 were wounded. The pre-planned action of the revolutionaries had such consequences.

One must think that many of the participants in that demonstration eventually understood the essence of the provocation of Gapon and the Socialist Revolutionaries. Thus, there is a known letter from worker Andrei Ivanovich Agapov (a participant in the events of January 9) to the newspaper “Novoye Vremya” (in August 1905), in which he, addressing the instigators of the provocation, wrote:

...You deceived us and turned the workers, loyal subjects of the Tsar, into rebels. You put us under fire on purpose, you knew it would happen. You knew what was written in the petition, allegedly on our behalf, by the traitor Gapon and his gang. But we didn’t know, and if we had known, then not only would we not have gone anywhere, but we would have torn you to shreds together with Gapon, with our own hands.

1905, January 19 - in the Alexander Palace in Tsarskoe Selo, the sovereign received a deputation of workers from capital and suburban plants and factories consisting of 34 people, accompanied by the St. Petersburg Governor General D.F. Trepov, telling them, in particular, the following:
I called you so that you could personally hear My word from Me and directly convey it to your comrades.<…>I know that the life of a worker is not easy. Much needs to be improved and streamlined, but have patience. You yourself, in all conscience, understand that you should be fair to your employers and take into account the conditions of our industry. But telling Me about your needs in a rebellious crowd is criminal.<…>I believe in the honest feelings of working people and their unwavering devotion to Me, and therefore I forgive them their guilt.<…>.

Nicholas II and the Empress allocated 50 thousand rubles from their own funds to provide assistance to family members of “those killed and wounded during the riots on January 9th in St. Petersburg.”

Of course, Bloody Sunday on January 9 made a very difficult impression on the Royal Family. And the revolutionaries are unleashing the Red Terror...

May the Lord bless the coming year, may He grant Russia a victorious end to the war, lasting peace and a quiet and silent life!

We left at 11 o'clock. to mass. Then we had breakfast: ladies, prince. A. S. Dolgoruky and Dm. Sheremetev (dec.). Accepted Sakharov's report. I took a walk. Answered telegrams. We had dinner and spent the evening together. We are very happy to stay in our native Tsarskoe Selo for the winter.

Clear frosty day. We attended mass and had breakfast as before in the round hall with everyone. I walked for a long time. AT 4? There was also an officer's tree there. The children were present, even a “treasure”; it behaved very well. We had lunch together.

It was a busy morning and I didn’t have time to go for a walk. Having breakfast: D. Alexey and D. Sergei, who arrived today from Moscow on the occasion of his leaving the General Government and being appointed commander-in-chief of the Moscow troops. military env. Took him for a nice walk. After lunch he went back. We adopted Ataman Krasnov, cat. came from Manchuria; he told us a lot of interesting things about the war. In "Rus. disabled,” he writes articles about her.

It was a busy morning again. The lieutenant had breakfast. Roshchakovsky, former mine commander. "Decisive". Received Epanchin and Poretsky, who returned from the last mobilization, and Prince. Obolensky, Finnish gubernia general. Went out for a walk at 4? After tea, Mirsky had a big talk with him after his report. Dined with Solovaya (dec.).

Started taking from 10?. AT 11? we went to vespers with the blessing of water; stood below. Boris (dez.) had breakfast. It took a long time to accept introductions. I was walking.

After tea there was Abaza. I read for a long time in the evening.

Until 9 o'clock let's go to the city. The day was gray and quiet at 8° below zero. We changed clothes at our place in the Winter Palace. AT 10 O'CLOCK? went into the halls to greet the troops. Until 11 o'clock we set off for the church. The service lasted an hour and a half. We went out to see Jordan wearing a coat. During the salute, one of the guns of my 1st cavalry battery fired grapeshot from Vasilievsky Island. and it doused the area closest to the Jordan and part of the palace. One policeman was wounded. Several bullets were found on the platform; the banner of the Marine Corps was pierced.

After breakfast, ambassadors and envoys were received in the Golden Drawing Room. At 4 o'clock we left for Tsarskoye. I took a walk. I was studying. We had dinner together and went to bed early.

The weather was calm, sunny with wonderful frost on the trees. In the morning I had a meeting with D. Alexei and some ministers on the matter of the Argentine and Chilean courts. He had breakfast with us. Received nine people.

The two of you went to venerate the icon of the Mother of God. I read a lot. The two of us spent the evening together.

Clear frosty day. There was a lot of work and reports. Fredericks had breakfast. I walked for a long time. Since yesterday, all plants and factories have been on strike in St. Petersburg. Troops were called from the surrounding area to reinforce the garrison. The workers have been calm so far. Their number is determined at 120,000 hours. At the head of the workers' union is a priest - the socialist Gapon. Mirsky arrived in the evening to report on the measures taken.

Hard day! Serious riots occurred in St. Petersburg as a result of the workers’ desire to reach the Winter Palace. The troops had to shoot in different places in the city, there were many killed and wounded. Lord, how painful and difficult! Mom? came to us from the city right in time for mass. We had breakfast with everyone. I was walking with Misha. Mom? stayed with us for the night.

There were no major incidents in the city today. There were reports. Uncle Alexey was having breakfast. Received a delegation of Ural Cossacks who arrived with caviar. I was walking. Did you have tea at Mom's? To unite actions to stop the unrest in St. Petersburg, he decided to appoint General-M. Trepov as governor-general of the capital and province. In the evening I had a meeting on this matter with him, Mirsky and Hesse.

Dabich (d.) dined.

During the day there were no major disturbances in the city. Had the usual reports. After breakfast, Rear Adm. received. Nebogatov, appointed commander of the additional detachment of the Pacific squadron. I was walking. It was not a cold, gray day. I worked a lot. Everyone spent the evening reading aloud.

The day passed relatively calmly; there were attempts at several factories to get to work. After the report I received 20 people. introducing themselves. Later he received Kokovtsov and Linder, the new Minister of Art.-Sec. Finnish.

Was very busy all morning and after breakfast until 4 o'clock. I didn't walk for long. The weather was mild and it was snowing. Did you have tea at Mom's? on the other side. Trubetskoy dined (dezh.). Have you read Mom? and Alix out loud.

I had both reports, and I received Witte and Kokovtsev on a work issue. We had breakfast in the rotunda with the German embassy on the occasion of Wilhelm's birthday. I was walking. The weather was gray and pleasant. Misha returned from Gatchina; Olga and Petya are from the city. We had lunch with them and Rudnev (dezh.). Had a long conversation with Petya.

The city is completely quiet. Had three reports. Had breakfast: Ksenia, Sandro and P.V. Zhukovsky. We received the new Italian Ambassador Meregali. I was walking. Uncle Vladimir arrived for tea. Then I had Sergei. He stayed to dine with us.

In the morning I received Fullon, who had been dismissed from the post of mayor. We attended mass and had breakfast with everyone. After the sleigh ride I was walking with Alix, Misha and Olga. There was a snowstorm. I worked a lot. The five of us dined and spent the evening.

Was at Mom's as usual this morning? Had two reports. Uncle Alexey was having breakfast. We received the new Swedish envoy, Mr. Wrangel. I was walking, it was cold and windy. I worked a lot. After lunch I received Trepov with a long report.

Had two reports. A lot of things to do and all sorts of fuss. I was walking. Dinner: Misha, Ksenia, Olga and Petya. We played eight hands. I read it in the evening.

Tiring day.

After the report there was a big reception. Had breakfast: George and Minnie. Received three wounded below. rank, to whom the Military gave insignia. orders Then he received a deputation of workers from large factories and factories in St. Petersburg, to whom he said a few words about the latest unrest.

Adopted Bulygin, cat. assigned min. internal business I walked for a short time. Before tea he received Sakharov; later Witte and Gerbel. I had to read for a long time in the evening; From all this I finally lost my head.

Today was freer. Had a report from Budberg and received Manukhin, the new manager of the mine. Justice.

Having breakfast: Misha, Olga, Tinchen with daughter Albert, both Benckendorff brothers and Prince. Shervashidze. I was walking. It was clear and 15° below zero. I read a lot. Dinner: Ksenia, Petya and Olga.

There were two reports and a small reception, including 5 workers from the State procurement expedition. papers, the only institution that continued to work all this time. Had breakfast: M-elle de l’Escaille and Prince. Khilkov. I also took Lobko. I was walking. The weather was calm and frosty.

We got up earlier. After reading the papers, as always, did you go with Alix to Mom? until 11 o'clock Received three reports. Had breakfast: Olga, Minnie, Petya (dezh.) and gr. Kutuzov. I was walking. It was clear and cold. I worked a lot. The same people and also Ksenia, Georgiy and Sandro and Misha dined.

We went to mass and had breakfast with everyone. I walked and enjoyed the weather. Did you have tea at Mom's? I read it with success. Having lunch: Misha, Olga, Petya and Drenteln (deux). We parted ways early.

Accepted three reports, the last one was Pratasova. Had breakfast: Alexey village, gr. Gendrikov and Mirsky. Visited with Mom? hospital and saw many newly arrived wounded. Back at 4? I didn't have time to go for a walk. From 6 o'clock I took Trepov until 7 o'clock. Dined at M-elle de l’Escaille. I studied for a long time.

There was a thaw in clear weather. Sakharov did not come for the report, so he had time to have a good walk until 12 o’clock. Had breakfast: M-elle de l’Escaille and the Count. Heyden. I took another walk and killed three crows. I did it with success. Dined: Misha, Ksenia, Olga, Petya, Yusupovs, Vasilchikovs, Benckendorffs and gr. Totleben (depr.). Did the guests stay with us until 10? hour.

Manukhin accepted the first report, then 21 people. Having breakfast: Georgy, Minnie, M-elle de l’Escaille and Skrydlov, who had returned from Vladivostok. AT 2? received 7 soldiers who lost their legs in battle. He awarded four with the Cross of St. George. I walked for a long time, the weather was mild. At 6 o'clock. received Bulygin. Read. S. Dolgoruky (department) dined.

After Budberg’s report, he received Muravyov, who had been appointed ambassador to Italy. I took a walk before breakfast. AT 2? accepted gr. Leo Tolstoy's son. I was walking and killed a crow. I studied until 7 o'clock. I accepted Trepov. Dined: Misha, Ksenia, Olga, Petya and Zelenoy (deux).

It was a pretty busy day. Had breakfast: Paleny, Trubetskoy, Boris (dezh.) and Prince. Vasilchikov. Had a long conversation with him. I was walking, there was a thaw. Dined: Vorontsovs, Shervashidzes (both), Orlovs, A.A. Olenina, Gendrikov and Boris. We sat until 10 o'clock.

Had three regular reports. Had breakfast: Andrey (dezh.) and M-elle de l’Escaille. I also took Witte. Walked with Andrey; it was warm and windy. A large group drank tea. Dinner: Misha, Ksenia, Olga, Minnie, Georgy, Sandro, Petya and Andrey.

In the morning we went to mass and had breakfast with everyone. I walked for a long time. The frost began to be felt. I read a lot. Dined: Orlov (d.), M-elle de l’Escaille and E. S. Ozerova.

We got up late. It snowed all day. Had three reports. Had breakfast: D. Alexey and M-elle de l’Esc. I talked for a long time with Putyatin. I was walking. Dined: Misha, Olga, Petya, Georges and his wife, Prince. Golitsyna, Katya Golitsyna, Maya Pushkina, Mikh. Mich. Golitsyn, Engalychev with his wife, Ekat. Serg. Ozerova, Nilov and Gadon. Did you sit together until 10? hour.

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